The Dominion TUESDAY, APRIL 19, 1910. LORD GLADSTONE'S TASK.

Dominion, Volume 3, Issue 795, 19 April 1910, Page 4

The Dominion TUESDAY, APRIL 19, 1910. LORD GLADSTONE'S TASK.

Lord Gladstone, the first- Gxmr-nor-General of United South Africa, at the very outset of his career as a representative of the King, is faced with a task of enormous difficulty, one that requires full knowledge and immense tact for its successful fulfilment. From whom is he to; derive information that will enable him to select his first Prime Minister! In spite of \all that has been said and written concerning the disappearance of racialism there, evidence is pot lacking that Dutch and British in many parts of South Africa continue to regard each other with feelings i of distrust/ The British dread a dominant Dutch; the Dutch claim numerical' superiority, and demand the right to rule. Mb, Meeeiman, the Cape Premier,, has declared in vehement terms against a non-party Cabinet with which to begin . tho Union, and is openly supported by the Bond, De Unie, and Het Volk, the representative organisations of the Dutch. His most ardent individual supporter seems to be Mr. J. B. M. Heetzog, Attorney-General in the Orange River Colony. This Minister, it may be said, has never displayed excessive friendliness towards the British. Me'. Hertzog' enthusiastically approves one .portion of Mr. Mersiman's doctrine—that the first Ministry should be Dutch';■ but he is . significantly silent touching another'' part of that doctrine—that _ Me. ' Meeeiman should be the first Prime Minister. Mr. Mbrriman Has, of late years, exhibited a spirit of something very like audacious perverseness. He seems to be as' changeable as- the moon. Once an opponent of the Bond, he is now its most conspicuous member. He hae named himself the leader, while his opponents describe him as the obedient servant, of the Dutch party at th« Cape. The Bond, however, gave Me. Mereiman office, and.this distinction he seems determined to attain in : the larger sphere. of the Union.

Lord Gladstone's primal difficulty obviously lies in seeking: to interpret aright the ideals and tie desires of the, majority. The Gover-nor-General is not supposed to take into consideration; electoral anomalies, and therefore they for the present do not affect the guestion* But in endeavouring to arrive at a true estimate of the relative strength of the British vote, and of the l Dutch vote the fact must not be.lost sight of, that exact equality, in spite • of a 'modern- Constitution, has not yet been attained in South Africa. In Cape Colony and Natal all attempts at securing even an approach to equal; representation ■ have for years been negatived by' the Dutch vote. The rural districts, - wherein the Dutch predominate, have always been excessively over-represented m both lie Natal and the Cape Houses. In the original draft Constitution for the Union the principle of proportional representation was introduced. The Dutch, recognising that this system, threatened their supremacy, offered jt strenuous opposition, and at Bloemf ontein _ 'amendments were agreed upon which modified, but still maintained, many of their former voting privileges. Apart from this question of actual numerical superiority no expression of opinion has been obtained as to the first Union Government from the general body of the electors within any of the four uniting colonies. Public opinion on many subjects must have' undergone a transformation since existing . Ministries were elected. Events, since, then, havo succeeded events in rapid succession, and v/ere it not for the one question of race all party distinctions might be regarded, as obliterated. I Mb. Merriman doubtless represents quite accurately the opinions "and the aspirations of the older generations of the Cape Dutch; it seems improbable, however, that he will be supported by the younger and broaderminded section of that party. Even one of the Cape Ministers, MRMalan—judged by his speeches—appears to bo more in accord, at the moment), with Dr. Jameson than with his Premier. Members of the Bond are evidently not entirely unanimous with respect to the policy propounded by Mr. Mereiman. General Botha is being blamed for his somewhat enigmatical silence. As yet he has confined himself to generalities. The result of his communings with Dr. Jameson have been mado known by the latter; what transpired at his numerous consultations with branches of Het Volk has not been disclosed. His speeches, at the same time, express sentiiDonts precisely similar to those uttered by Dr. Jameson. Indeed, General Botha has employed Dr. Jameson's own languaga, in impressing upon the Transvaal public that there exists no question _ in South Africa, at the present, time upon which he, Dr. Jameson, and Me. Mebeiman could not sign a- manifefito. Genebal Botha depweates the

revival, or continuance, of old racial antagonisms. The most effective manner by which he could demonstrate his desire that South Africa, should now start afresh, on a non-party, non-racial basis, would be to cordially join hands with Dr. Jameson. But the Transvaal Premier has many things to consider. If he co-operates with the Progressives, can he carry with him the bulk, or a considerable proportion, of the Transvaal electors ? His influence is very great; but always strong-minded and dour are the occupants of the Transvaal's back benched. They are the men General Botha must win over , ; is probably now attempting to win over. With, them at its back, the Botha-Jameson Ministry, we can well believe, would mean the opening of a new era for South Africa. Mb. Merriman would be an active and a merciless critic; but against .General Botha and a large Dutch following his opposition in the main would be robbed of power. The key of the position is held by General Botha.