The Dominion TUESDAY, MARCH 1, 1910. THE BRITISH POLITICAL CRISIS

Dominion, Volume 3, Issue 754, 1 March 1910, Page 6

The Dominion TUESDAY, MARCH 1, 1910. THE BRITISH POLITICAL CRISIS

Although to-day's cable messages relating to the British political crisis do not ' show that the anticipated climax has yet been reached —so far at anyrate as a climax means the resignation of the Government—yet they are of the gravest importance and interest. It has been apparent for some days that the" Prime Minister has been realising that instant defeat is the price of refusing the demand by the Nationalists and the extremists of his own party that he shall carry out his pledge to place the veto question before everything else. He has already shifted his ground and reversed his policy more than once, but if ho ultimately gives way to the extremists he will only bo reverting to the • policy which he set forth in his election address to the people of East Fife. As tho Nation pointed out at the time, the Prime Minister concentrated tho issue on "a single point": he "refused even to glance at any secondary questions of whatever magnitude." His address consisted of a series of strongly-phrased arguments leading up to only one announcement of policy, which he stated in these words: "The limitation of the veto is the first and most urgent step to be taken; for it is the condition pro l cedent to the attainment of the great legislative reforms which our party has at heart, and which I laid before my fellow Liberals in a recent speech at the Albert HaJl." Everything now turns on the details I of the proposals which the Prime Minister will introduce in his forced -fulfilment of that pledge. Apparently, so wo learn to-day, he will split the.issue in a very confusing manner. The Commons will first, be asked to affirm tho Lords' incompetence to touch money Bills, and then to pass a resolution joining the reform of the Lords' constitution to a restriction of their veto upoD general legislation, This course will possibly be the signal for Mr. Eedsiond to deal the deathblow. The Nationalists care ' nothing for the fencing off of money bills, and they will suspect, not only that the success of the second resolution will not help Home Rule, but that the Government does not in its heart desire or intend to fight the battle of Irish Nationalism. Their own statements, and, indeed, the actual needs of their causo, must appear to them to require that the Nationalist leaders shall. refuse anything but the destruction of the Lords' veto, not only in respect of money Bills, but of other Bills also. Me. John Dillon's speech makes this quite clear, if indeed any assurances were wanted. We- still do not believe that the Commons can curtail the Peers' authority by resolution; even the mere drafting of a scheme of curtailment does not appear feasible'. The following remarkable dialogue between Mr. AsQuith and a heckler at Largo on January 19 indicates that tho Prime Minister had no clear idea at that time as to what he could do: •

An elector asked if Mr. Asqnith supported the policy of a Single-Chambor Government. Me Asquith: No. The Elector: How does Mr. Asquith to limit the veto of the Second Chamber? ■ : Mr. Asquith: By limiting: the veto of tho House of Lords to the lifetime of a single Parliament—{Cheers.) The Elector: By what measures does Mr. Asquith propose to limit the veto of the House of Lords—by passing a Bill through Parliament or by what means? Mr..Asquith: By legislation. Tlw Elector: Is it by passing a Bill through Parliament? Mr. Asquith: Does tho gentleman un(lPTjlitiid what legislation means?—(Laughter.) Tho Elector: Is it by the usual measures: • Mr. Asqnith: By passing an Act of Parliament. The elector, in his very carefully worded questions, was evidently endeavouring to entrap Mr. Asquith into saying that he proposed to dispense : with the Peers', approval. Equally obvious is Mr. Asqtjith's refusal either to make that admis.sion or to make any admission' of a contrary kind.

The Peers' "veto" is in effect already limited to "the lifetime of a single Parliament. As the Standard says: "When a Parliament expires by effluxion of time or dissolution, tho 'veto' comes to an end automatically. That is to say, the question as to whether it has been rightly exercised or not is submitted to the electorate; and it is an accepted constitutional axiom that the Lords are bound by their decision. And it is always in the power of a Ministry to bring tho life of a Parliament to a close, suspending tho operation of tho embargo upon thoir legislation, by advising a dissolution." In a speech on January 18 at Newtown, in Montgomeryshire, Mn. LloydGeorge indicated that tho Liberals, if they could not get any measure through tho Lords, would "send it straight to the Throne." He forgot that in the great debate in the Lords on November 22 his own colkaguc, the Lord Chancellor, said that "a Court of law would not give ■ effect to any tax which had been refused by the House of Lords." All i tho time, there has boon looming

behind the "veto" talk the shadow oT a thing which Britain will not tolerate—the tossing of the Grown into the melting-pot with the Lords. The King has obviously been guarding the Constitution by refusing to give the guarantee required by his Ministers. Mr. Dillon's speech may turn out to be an alarm signal to the Constitutionalists of all parties. Let it once be seen that Libeial policy requires an invasion of the Crown, and Liberalism will be overwhelmed.