The Clutha Leader. THURSDAY, FEB. 24th, 1876.

Clutha Leader, Volume II, Issue 85, 24 February 1876, Page 5

The Clutha Leader. THURSDAY, FEB. 24th, 1876.

In last issue we referred to the constitution of the new House of Representatives, and the position the provinces of Otago and Auckland occupied in relation thereto. We frankly confess that the action of the province of Canterbury, in the late elections, is fairly a puzzle to us, Canterbury has a landed estate, which in the event of the proposed constitutional changes being carried outj will be applied generally to Colonial purposes. Of this there can te no doubt, and yet Canterbury has returned thirteen members in favor of abolition and only two are opposed to it, Canterbury has appareDtly acted in the most disinterested manner possible. By her action she seems to say, that she is willing out of her great abundance to give to her poorer neighbors, and yet, if we look into the matter little, we may find that it is not all disinterestedness and generosity. Tt so happens that in Canterbury, the run'holding class has always had a monoply of legislation and governing power. How this should have happened we do not know, but it is a fact nevertheless. In all the. other provinces have been drawn from i;he various sections of the community — from the "farming and the commercial ■classes as well as the runholding class. It is not easy to withdraw from any class the power which they have been •accustomed to exercise. The class look upon this power as their natural right, and even the people themselves come to look upon the class as entitled to be 'entrusted in the exercise of this power. Indeed it would appear that the Canterbury people did not make the attempt at the late elections, to place in «ther hands the legislative power which they have been accustomed ever since they had representative institutions to place in the ruaholding class. Now, can we believe that th« Caaterbury members, considering the class from which they «re drawn, are so very disinterested ? We have noticed that during the elections one .prominent question in Canterbury has been how the runs should be iusposed of after the present leases shall

have expired. The opinion almost invariably expressed by candidates has been that the runs should be fairly assessed in the first instance, and then offered to the present tenants at the assessment first put upon them. How such an opinion as this should go down with an intelligent and independent body of electors we are at a loss to understand. But in Canterbury it seems to be the correct thing, even with an agricultural constituency. We are certain that in such a constituency in Otago an expression of opinion of this sort whould at once seal the fate of any candidate, no ■ matter how promising he might be in other matters. Well, under whose auspices is this idea on which the majority of the Canterbury members seems to have set their hearts, that the runs should first be offered to the present tenants at a fairly assessed value, the most likely to be carried out ? Under the auspices of the General or the Provincial Government? They might possibly be able to carry their point even with the Provincial Government, but that they will be able to do so under the administration of the General Government there cannot be the shadow of a doubt. This is evident both from the past actions of the Government with respect to Native lands over which they had control, from the expressed sentiments of at least two members of the Government during the recent elections, and from the sentiments of other members as expressed on fotmer occasions. What therefore does the disinterestedness of Canterbury amount to ? It would almost appear that the members*from that Province, or at least a section of them, are willing — well, we shall not say what they are willing to do — provided they can thereby secure on easy terms to the class to which they belong, the large" pastoral estates* of which they have so long had possession. That Wellington should return a preponderance of Centralist members is not to be wondered at. The country for many miles round Wellington is little better than a wilderness. The City of Wellington has risen into importance of late years almost entirely owing to the fact that it is the seat of Government. Government officials form a large element of the population. In other words Wellington prospers at the expense of the rest of the colony. The probability therefore is that as Government business gets concentrated in Wellington, Wellington will prosper to an equal degree. It is no wonder, therefore, that Wellington should go in for Centralism. But is Otago to stand idly by and see a City in a distant part of the Colony advance in material prosperity from revenues that should go to promote the prosperity of her own towns ? If Otago is willing to do this, she deserves to suffer the consequences. The classification we made last week also brings out that all the poor Provinces go in for Centralism, viz., Taranaki, Marlborough, Hawkes Bay, and Hokitika. These places, in fact, ought never to have been provinces. It was not originally intended that they should be, and it would have been well that the original intention had been carried out. Even Nelson has returned Centralists as her representatives, with one solitary exception. Nelson is a poor place. She sold her birthright for a mess of potage. She parted with her lands for an old song, and now that they are gone she is anxious to participate in the patrimony of Canterbury and Otago, which have wisely husbanded their landed estate. It seems only reasonable that poor places with small revenues should be satisfied with such things as they possess. They should accommodate themselves to their circumstances. No doubt the richer members in these communities would object to share their goods with their poorer brethren. But Communism in regard to Provincial property — no matter how distant it may be — 3eems to them to be the correct thing. We ask is it fair that Otago and Auckland, which have so distinctly decided against Centralism, should have this thrust upon them by such poor and over-represented Provinces as Taranaki, Hawkes Bay, Marlborough, and Hokitika ? If Centralism is carried out it can only be by the votes of members from these insignificant places. We cannot believe that Otago and Auckland will calmly submit to such indignity.

We give in this issue the telegraph report of Sir Julius Vogel's speech in reply to the toast of his health ac the banquet recently given him in Wellington. If the only or best illustration of the beneficial effects that have flowed from the construction of railways being undertaken by the General Government is that given by Sir Julius — the Clutha railway, we are sorry for him. It will be remembered that the Provincial Government of Otago were precluded from borrowing money to construct railways, and the only concession the Assembly would allow was that the Province would guarantee 8 per cent. on L 400,000, the estimated cost ot the railway. The railway was to be 4 feet 8 £ inch guage. The rails were heavier, the bridges, culverts, stations, <fee, more substantial than those in connection with, the present 3 feet 6 inch guage line. There was also not granted the same power to take land, nor was the Provincial Government allowed to obtain it at the same price as the Geaeral Government. Now what is the sequel ? When the public works scheme was introduced it „ was with a flourish of trumpets that on the Clutha line alone the saving to the Province would be

LI 50,000. The railway was to cost o lly L25Q,000. Of the line we need not write further than to state that it is not so substantial as Mr Paterson's line, and that it will require heavier maintenance, and, as traffic increases, heavier rails laid down all the way. The cost now has come up to L 360,000 and the Clutha bridge is uncompleted When the railway is finished it will cost L 400,000. So that we have this fact — the Province could have constructed a substantial 4 feet 8^- inch guage line for L 400,000, but by the interfennce of the General Government we have a 3 feet 6 inch guage line, with light rails, requiring a heavy expenditure for maintenance, at no less a sum. The railway that was to cost L 250,000 has c&st L 400,000 I And 'this is the only example Sir Julius can quote as conclusive proof of the able manner in which the General Government can carry out Provincial works. Anyone who knows the Premier is well aware that he would not have cited the worse example. We must take it, therefore, that this is the best illustration of the good result from General Government railway construction. He very properly did not speak of the expense of the other railways, nor of the huge public works department ; nor did he point out how he has managed -to construct from Christchurch to Dunedin a railway line that follows the sea-beach almost all the way. And he was also careful to conceal from his auditory that hardly one railway line has been constructed without huge bills of extras, bridges to be erected that were not specified, deviations to be made, cuttings to be done that the persons who prepared the first specifications had no knowledge of. We would like to see some comparative statement of the first estimate and the last cost. We believe that the Clutha railway is not a solitary example of how the first estimated cost has been swelled. From L 250,000 to L 400,000 is rather a large jump. In fact the General Government was new to its work, and at a large expense it had to learn how to fulfil its duties. ** Practically it has had no control. There has always been a large majority in the Assembly that supported a heavy expenditure, and loans were easily sanctioned. The Government has not been hampered in its own action. Full and free play has been given to it, and yet, miserable conclusion ! the cost of our unsubstantial railway is as great as that of one that would have been a credit to the Colony. If the Clutha line is the example that is to adorn the tale of General Government management, we are afraid that the moral that will be deduced will not be in favor of centralised administration.

Telegraphic communication with Australia, and consequently with the home country, and indeed almost with the whole world, was opened at on Friday evening*. Although there may be room to doubt the propriety of spending so large a sum of money upon the enterprise in the present impecunious state of the Colonial Treasury, it cannot be gainsaid that the laying of the cable marks a most important epoch in the history of the Colony, and that in certain emergencies the benefits to be derived from the facilities for speedy communication the cable affords may be invaluable. In the case of an outbreak of war we will be forewarned of any threatened danger, and have some time to prepare for it before it can overtake us. Commerce will also be greatly facilitated, and merchants being kept fully posted up in the fluctuations of the markets both at home and in the colony will be enabled to conduct a safer and more profitable business. Many chances for obtaining lines of goods suitable to the market will now be had which hitherto could not be taken advantage of. As to general news we need in the mean time only expect the most important items, as the present tariff — about 11s 3d a word— will debar newspaper proprietors and others from obtaining telegrams of any length. This rate of charge cannot long continue, and no doubt it would at once be found that a reduced tariff would lead to a large increase of revenue. In the meantime it is a pleasant thought that we have now established direct telegraphic communication with the mother country, and that intimation of any important event there can be made here in similar manner — as it is transmitted from one town to another at home. The laying of the cable has long been talked of, is "now accomplished, and is an event upon which the country is fairly to be congratulated.