E.E.C. policies disturb

Press, 21 April 1979, Page 14

E.E.C. policies disturb

By

STUART McMILLAN

Although the European Economic Community has been raised in the British election campaign by both the Labour Party and the Conservative Party, it is not yet clear whether debate about the E.E.C. will be an important election issue.

It is doubtful whether the main parties can make much of an issue from Britain’s membership I ’cause they more or less agree about the changes which they would like to see in the E.E.C. The Conservatives go so far as to agree with the points made by the Labour Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food (Mr John Silkin) whose reputation is as an antagonist of E.E.C. policies. What the Conservatives believe is that they would handle the whole relationship better. The Conservatives would like to model the British attitude to the E.E.C. on the attitude of France which, they consider, wholeheartedly commits itself to an E.E.C. policy, then asks for a few changes. They contrast this with Mr Silkin’s style who, they consider, says “no” until certain changes are made.

But whatever the niceties of style, Britain will still w'ant certain changes. These lie mainly in the common fisheries policy, in the Common Agriculture Policy (C.A.P.), and in attitudes to the European Commission.

The fisheries policy is probably the touchiest point between Britain and the rest of the Community at the moment.

Britain believes that its fishermen should be allowed exclusive, or at least preferential, access to certain inshore fishing areas. Britain, which has lost the Icelandic fishing grounds, has about 65,000 people employed in fishing and ancillary services, 17,000 of them full-time fishermen. The fishing industry supplies about 80 per cent of the country’s requirements of fish. Britain’s loss of access to distant waters through the extension of 200-mile zones has been the greatest in the Community, measured in tonnages of fish. Many British fishing communities are in areas of high unemployment and the loss of their livelihood would cause considerable distress. What Britain objects to, in

part, is the presence in certain areas of large vessels using industrial fishing methods. Such methods include the catching of fish, such as Norway pout, for processing into fishmeal which is used for feed and fertiliser. Some of the edible and therefore more valuable, but immature fish are often caught in the small-mesh nets used in industrial fisning. Britain’s argument is that much of the Community fishing ground lies in Britain’s 200-mile zone and special consideration' should be given to British fishermen, and that the Community as a whole should have an adequate conservation policy. Britain’s objections to the Common Agriculture Policy are fundamentally similar to New Zealand’s objections: it creates surpluses. New Zealand objects because this not only interferes with its traditional market in Britain, but the surpluses make their way on to other markets and, heavily subsidised, they undercut New Zealand produce. New Zealand calls it dumping, the Community does not.

Britain objects to what it considers the absurdities of wine lakes, milk reservoirs, and butter mountains created by the high prices paid to producers under the C.A.P. But it has a further objection in that about 80 per cent of the Community’s budget is devoted to agriculture. As the third poorest member of the Community, and as the second or third largest contributor to the E.E.C. budget (depending on whether one counts monetary compensation amounts used in agricultural trade or not) Britain has an important interest in seeing the C.A.P. reformed. Part of Britain’s argument about the C.A.P. is that its own agriculture is efficient and that it has only a small proportion of its working force engaged in agriculture. The high prices paid to consumers in the rest of the Community are designed in part to help small farmers in the period when there is a drift to the towns.

The quarrel over the attitudes towards the European Commission lies at the heart of the whole concept of the European Economic Community. Is Europe heading towards political union? The British do not see th ; s as an inevitable movement and see the Community more as an association of democratic States. Britain views with dislike the tendency for the European Commission to take over larger and larger areas of responsibility.

Whichever party is returned in the election on May 3, these arguments with tire rest of the Community are bound to continue.