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GANDHI'S PRESENT OUTLOOK.

.'"■'. "»" ' ' ;'■ (By Horace G. Alexander; in the "Spectator.") [Mr Alexander is a member of the Society of Friends, and Professor of International Relations at- Selly Oak Colleges, Birmingham.] It was the writer's good fortune to be permitted to visit Mr Gandhi in the gaol at Poona in the middle of September; apart from the gaol superintendent; no. other European, I believe, has seen him in recent-months; so it may be of value to record something of his conversation and of the impression he made on a visitor at that time* The Sapru-Jayakar negotiations had just broken down, bo it might have been expected that Gandhi would be inan intransigent mood. But he is not a man of moods, or a man to be much influenced by passing events. I found him most willing to talk about peace; but, on the other -hand, utterly un-, willing to compromise on what are to him matters of principle in order to win peace. j He said he had been amazed at the extent of the country's response to his lead in the civil disobedience movement, and at the extent of "nonviolence"; but he went on to say, though a great many had adopted nonviolent methods in the campaign, a large proportion of them had not adopted the principle of non-violence. Those who only usft non-violence as a method of resistance to Government are liable to become embittered, especially when roughly treated by the police. Even in the seclusion of his prison he was acutely conscious that such embitterment- Was developing, and for this reason, he would welcome a return to peace and co-operation —as soon as it could be honourably, obtained. But Gandhi is one of those who believes that what has to be is for the best: so, having mad* it clear that he would welcome at any time if it were an honourable peace, he went on immediately to add that if that were impossible then the struggle must continue, and that would -prove a blessing to India by the purifying effect of suffering voluntarily undergone. If Gandhi is open to discuss peace, what are his termsf They are what, they, have always been. But he sometimes uses such perplexing expressions that they need some interpretation to the "Western mind. The point that he stressed" wrat in our *»l£ was the "substance of independence," in the form of such control over financial and fiscal policy t' it it would be possible for India to. reduce military and civil expenditure, to ease the burden of taxation, and to control imports in such a way/ that the peasants and workers of -India might have better opportunities of developing their, village crafts and industries. Of these, hand-spinning is to him the symbol, but he .is less of a/ hand-spinning monomaniac than people sometimes imagine. He wants the minimum of interference from Govern-' ment and the. least possible taxation, io that-'the peasants may be free, with the help of Indian voluntary organisations, to improve their irrigation and their cattle,. and to develop tanning and other village, crafts.- And ho bcliefea'thc. only way to achieve these things is by obtaining full control of financial and fiscal policy at once, so that military expenditure*' and the ■salaries'- of .Civil servants ate «xed in accordance with Indian ideas of India's needs; ■ ■ . . If this is, to Gandbl, the "substance independence," he. adds various 'subsidiary , demands, some' At which may be quite as. difficult to agree to. "We cannot for a moment give up the things already . won," he said. And he mentioned-in particular .the right to collect;salt -and the effeetive picketing- of liquor and arug shops—-which;-he said, had resulted in a 60 per cent, decrease of consumptiojt in six months. , i - These are the tbinga that Gandhi cares about. Phrases like "Dominion 'status*' and "Federation" mean little to .him. He wants .to know what' the function* and powers of a B Dominion are to be,- taA'Jffhn is to'Tiave' effeetive control of the essential services in any federation. Unlikemany of his fellowcountrymen, it is not the, pWßtige ; of ahigher status that he craves; but the power to wrestle with the problem or Indian poverty. There is shrely nothing negative or destructive* in.such an aim, as ■so. many Of his British critics main-, tain,, even, though "his method of securing it may seem strange., ~ Gandhi confessed -that he • had lost> faith in the British Government. He had hoped ajt first that the. Viceroy's declaration of, November, J9E9, looking forward to Dominion status, meant a real deaire- to- achieve tfcat:status without delay; but the Parliamentary debates that followed destroyed, his hope, and/the publication; of th£ Simon Beport has his doubts. Never-. theless, he always hopes the best of hia : opponents—any little Bigh f'ehange of heart,?' of a growing responsiveness ; to Indian demand?, meets, with .an : immediate response from him. When I i met him, the Government had just < released Pandit Motilal Nehru, the i seventy-year old political leader, whose 1 health had- broken down in prison. 1 "That," said Gandhi, "is an encouraging sign; df .course, they, say he is released on grounds of health,, but they need tfbt have done it." .He spoke with « real gratification of this-incident;, and . it aeemed clear that * i.ew more such - gestures would go far to convince him J thafthe Government mean business. .. Gandhi ha* a way of putting his ( demands in £n extreme form; but he is i.<rt an extremist.- ;What he looks for • $ clear proof—i* deed, not only in word—that Britain' really means to , recognise .India's right and ability to , control her own national life. If, through the Bound Table Conference , decisions,;we can.provVj that to him, then tie will be our most powerful ally s in persuading young India to come mi j-Std-work the new Constitution. Other- - B wine, he will continue, to .be a mighty v opponent of all. that wo do. If he-ean he released "tttom- gadl,. and invited .to „ meet the Viceroy in.person," as wonas 8 the proposed, powers of the Central s Government have been decided m-ton- t dOn that might be-theTfirststep towarls. a rapid and full pacification. His m- I: fluence is still great, but more dangerous i 'and uncontrollable *orcos are gathering p strength daily. *■'-''.' b

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19310223.2.131

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Press, Volume LXVII, Issue 20169, 23 February 1931, Page 18

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,040

GANDHI'S PRESENT OUTLOOK. Press, Volume LXVII, Issue 20169, 23 February 1931, Page 18

GANDHI'S PRESENT OUTLOOK. Press, Volume LXVII, Issue 20169, 23 February 1931, Page 18

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