Back to Hindenburg.

Press, Volume LXI, Issue 18367, 28 April 1925, Page 8

Back to Hindenburg.

There is naturally a good deal of excitement, some of it injudicious and hysterical, over Germany's choice of a President. If the first returns are correct Hindenburg is elected by a small but safe majority, while the people are about equally divided between Republicanism and a Monarchy. The third candidate's votes, if they had not beeiv cast for him, might not Of course have been cast at all, since the Communists are no less hostile to the ordinary tame Socialists than to the extreme reactionaries of the riglit wing. But we may at least assume that Hindenburg's followers mado no mistakes and suffered no hesitations, so that the fourteen-and-a-half millions behind him will represent the full strength of the Monarchist feeling throughout the Republic. But it ia not very easy to advance from that fact to tho next. The general assumption seems to be that Hindenburg can, and will, re-establish the Monarchy, and that he will do so soon, but even if we allow for tho fact that there is a fickle third Of any community which easily moves from side to side, it will be no easier to keep the Throne secure than it has been hitherto to maintain the Republic. The only safe, assumption is that the President will not ccaso to long for another Kaiser, and will not lose any sleep over the Constitution if it seema to his political mentors that "The "Day" has dawned again. It was suggested in our cablo messages yesterday that the Constitution in fact presonts no obstacles —that the President, as Comniandcr-ih-Chiof of tho Army and Navy, and head at the same time of the civil executive, could "destroy the "present structure of Germany and "restore tho ex-Kaiser without tres"passing beyond Mb logal rights." Theoretically it is a strange position if that is the fact, but the point has no significance practically. Hindenburg is not the man, nor arb his supporters the party, to stand on a narrow legality—we had almost said on a "scrap of "paper"—-but if it'were otherwise he would still be free. Tor the election lias really been fought on the issue of fidelity to the Constitution, and Hindon- ! burg is entitled as victor te regard the Republic as nationally condemned. We may be quite certain, that he docs so rogard 'it, without being equally confident ttfat he will at onee enter into negotiatibns with the Hohenzollerns. Professor J. H. Morgan is made to say in our cables to-day that Hindenburg's election means tho certain restoration of the Monarchy and the irretrievable defeat of 'the Republicans, which is perhaps true. It may even be true that Republicanism is tho least suitable of all forms of government for sixty or seventy per cent, of the German people —and we suspect often that it really is true. But Hindenburg, with all his crudities, is not quite indifferent to the opinion of the world, and if the Allies veto the Hohenzollerns, as in tha terms and spirit of thoir peace contract they are quite entitled to do, the choice of a Kaiser may be difficult enough to get itself postponed indefinitely. We can really say no more at present than, that the election of Hindenbnrg will strike the French, British, Belgian, and American people as a grave miaf ortune, and that it will make the return to peace a great deal more difficult on both aides of the Rhine.