The Dominions and the Peace Treaty.

Press, Volume LVI, Issue 16725, 7 January 1920, Page 6

The Dominions and the Peace Treaty.

Following a recent speech by tho Prince of "Wales at Ottawa, dealing largely with the matters referred to in his Toronto, speech, to which wo alluded tho other day, Sir Robert Borden, tho Canadian Prime Minister, made some remarks to which a cable message in this issue gives especial interest. The Prince had touched on the new status given to tho IXuninions by the fact that their signatures were affixed to tho Treaty of Peace, distinct from the signature of Great Britain. Sir Robert Borden, in commenting upon this striking circumstance, tho full importance of which was not generally realised, pointed out that the guiding principle had been laid down that "within " our commonwealth of nations the " equality of nationhood must be ro- " cognised, preserving thus to each "Dominion tho full autonomous powers " which it now holds, and safeguarding "to each, by accessary consultation "and an adequate voice and influence, "its slightest interest in the issues of "war or peace —for each nation the "complete control of its own affairs, "and for tho whole Empire the neccs- " snry co-operation according to the "will of tho people in all matters of "common conoern." Sir Robert went on to claim that the relationship of tihe several members of the family of the British Commonwealth, which lie had thus doflned, meant that the dingle outward bond botween them was. their common allegiance to the Tyrone. We have not space in which to pursue tAn side-issue raised by a London Radical paper, which, referring to Sir Robert Borden's observations, argued that if monarchy disappeared in Britain "the "last link between the constituent "nations of the Empire would not " have gone," though we may suggest that an elected President would bo a poor substitute, as a link, for the existing monarchy. Nor do wo feel called upon to argue the same paper's contention ithat "to give tho Empire Biz "votes" —in the assembly of the League of Nations, as was done in the Treaty— "is not to tighten but to relax tho "ties that bind it together." That is certainly not the view that the malcontent majority of the American Senate took of the matter during tho interminable discussion of the Peaoo Treaty by that body. Among tho innumerable reservations which it was proposed at different stages of the dej bate to tack on to tho Treaty were at least three aimed at depriving the Bri- , tish EmpSro of casting six votes on ( any question - that came before the r League. One of these provided—

'T?hat in case of a dispute between members of tho League if ono of them have self-governing colonies, dominions, or parts which have representation in tho assembly, each and all aro to bo considered parties to tho dispute. . . . and each and all shall bo disqualified from having their votes counted in coso of ony enquiry on said dispute made by tho assembly."

This was defeated, as was another, which proposed, in tho following words, that tho United States should havo six votes in ordinary cases.—

"In all cases save when the United States is n party to a dispute it shall have as manv votes as tho British Empire has. when the United States is in dispute with Great Britain or any one of its dependencies neither the United States nor any of the British units shall have n vote. When the United States is party to a disputo with some outside country within tho British Empiro then tho Brftish Empire as a whole shall cast but ono vote."

For some reason, neither of theso reservations was regarded as sufficiently drastic. The reservation which tras accepted by a majority of 65 votes to 38 was moved by Senator Lenroot, of Wisconsin, and ran as follows:—

'.Tho United States assumes no obligation to b© bound by any election, decision, report, or finding of tho council or assembly in which any member of thoLeaguo and its self-governing Dominions, colonies, or parts of Empire, in tho aggregate havo cast more than ono vote, and assumes no obligation to bo bound by any decision, report, or finding of tho council or assembly arising out of any disputo between the United States and any member of the League if such member, or .my selfgoverning Dominion, colony. Empire, or part of Empire united with it politically has voted."

Am ni expected, President Wilson ob-

jects strongly to this reservation, on the ground that tho Dominions concerned and the British Government would protest against, it, and its incorporation with America's other reservations would i-adanger tho acceptance by tho Allies I of her signature to the Treaty. It is: quite ensy to recognise the Senate's J pzint of view without agreeing with it. j Those who object to the British Empire! having six votos do so, no doubt, hocause they hold that though fnr the j lirst time in tho lunpire's history four Dominions and India have individually signed a Peace Treaty—an action which in all constitutional theory is equivalent to the right to declare war or oraro individually—they aro still integral parts of the Empire, and will act in accordance with the wish of tho Mother Country. That that assumption may he, and, wo helieve, is, perfectly correct, does not, however, alter tho basic fact that hy the consent of Great Britain and the Allies tho Dominions signed the Treaty as individual nations, and as such have full right to exercise individual votes in tho Assembly of tho League.

'Hie last paragraph in to-day's cable message referring to tho British political situation is ambiguously phrased. It appears to ?av that Lord Robert Cecil raav be the leader of the extrcmo Tories in the new rearrangement of parties, but it may also ho read as pointing to Lord Robert as tho leader of tho new Centre Party. Tho second is the moro rational meaning, for Lord Robert has for somo timo been regarded as the coming Primo Minister, and tho extreme Tories are not numerous enough to bo able to look forward to having a Primo Minister. "Most politicians, when they resign ofßco, dwindlo visibly in stature," said an experienced Parliamentary correspondent, a few months ago. "It has not been so with Lord Robert Cecil. He is a bigger man as a privato member of tho House of Commons than ho was as a Minister of tho Crown. Beyond all question ho is tho outstanding personality in tho present House. Ho dwarfs all competitors, official and unofficial." For the greater pari of last year, it will be remembered, lio was occupied -with tho Peaco negotiations in Paris, and ho has in recent months taken tho lead in tho movement to advanco tho League of Nations. Ho comcs of a great Conservative house, bnt in many respects "his political sympathies aro strongly Radical, He -was long a champion of woman's suffrage, ho is an ardent snpportor of international disarmament, ho has fought for tho restoration of real Parliamentary Government. On Labour questions he takes an advanced viow. "My desire, 1 ' ho said not long ago, "is to humanise tho industrial system."

All the political writers are agreed as to hia commanding position in politics, and ho has attached to him many voung Conservatives, and some of the Labour members. Mr Massingham, in tho "Nation," becomcs quite lyrical in hia praise: "For home politics perhaps a Conservative with Radical sympathies, and a still more evident lcnning to Labour; for foreign affairs an internationalist, with a conccrn for the state of Europe. Thinker and worker, man of affairs, an intellect under guard of a conscience, decidedly yes. A temper naturally ardent, but under control and watchful of itself, yes, also. An impressive speaker, at moments an orator and a master of spcech, that, too, may be affirmed. - A leader of men, a mind of his ago, a guide out of the desert, let us indeed hope so. Failing him, i can seo no other."

Whilo Mr Mnssingham is Uius propared to welcome Lord Robert Cecil as the new Primo Minister, "Truth" was recently writing of him as a possible leader of Conservatism. "In epito of their tremendous preponderance in numbers," it said, "tho Conservatives are extremely unhappy. Mr Bonar Law iiaa substantial support, but it is plain that a considerable number of Conservatives arc rallying to Lord Robert Cocil, whoso position is one of towering proeminence among unofficial members of the House of Commons. Lord Robert, true to the Shaftesbury tradition, is extremely sympathetic to Labour, but Labour now looks asknnco at him because of his uncompromising hostility to the nationalisation of mines. Conversely tho Tory capitalists, repellccf from Lord Robert by his views on the tiscal question, are attracted to him by his stand against nationalisation. Disappointed Tory office-scckers and other Conservatives who irk under tho ascendency of Lloyd George would rally lo Lord Robert's side if he showed nny desire to assume tho role of lender. Mr Bonar Law has not deep roots in tho Conservative party. A Cecil would make a stronger appeal to the Conservative instincts of tho nation."