The Press. Friday, January 31, 1919. New Zealand and Samoa.

Press, Volume LV, Issue 16435, 31 January 1919, Page 6

The Press. Friday, January 31, 1919. New Zealand and Samoa.

Mr Massey, in stating the reasons why Samoa should be allowed to remain in the possession of Now Zealand, had a 6trong case, which ho evidently presented in a very nble and convincing speech. He showed that Germany used the Pacific Islands merely as bases for military aggression, and that the position was indeed most dangerous for Australia and New Zealand when the war broke out. Had it not been for the presence in these waters of the battlo-cruiser Australia, more -powerful than any warship of the enemy, New Zealand would have been at the mercy of Jho Germans,, our commerce would have been raided, probably our chief ports bombarded, and we should have beon unablo to despatch an expeditionary force oversea. As it was, there is no doubt we took a considerable risk when. witbM tea day* after ths out-

break of war, wo despatched a force of 2000 men to Samoa, and, with the help of the British Navy and a French, warship who assisted to convoy onr transports, wo eeized and occupied the Samoan group. Since then tho islands have been administered by Now Zealand with entire satisfaction' to tho natives. That is a subject—tho treatment of native races—in which New Zealand's record is boyond reproach, and tho manner in which natives of Rarotonga and brave littlo Niuo volunteered to fight by tho side of Now Z-ealanders in this war is the host possible evidence that natives who havo experienced it are satisfied with New Zealand rule. The Germans' treatment of subject races, on the other hand, is one of the blackest chapters in the history of "man's "inhumanity to man." We say nothing of the services of New Zealand troops on the Western front and in Palestine! We fought there shoulder to shoulder with our brothers from every part- of the Empire, in defence of the Empire as a whole. It is sufficient reward to know that tho Empire lias been mado safe. But surely, having wrested Samoa from the Germans, and thereby removed a vory serious menace to this Dominion, we should bo allowed to keep them out in the only effective way, namoly, ourselvos remaining in possession. We do not want Samoa for aggrandisement— New Zealand will never make anything out of tho group for herself; we want it as essential to our safety. Wo will, if it is desired, gladly leave the administration in the hands of the Mother land. As to the suggestion that wo should hold the islands in tho capacity of mandatory of the Leaguo of Nations, the moro we consider it, the more objoctionablo it appears to xis. Wo cheerfully owe allegiance to the British Crown, but wo want no Leaguo of sot over us, to whom wo must apply for permission before we can take any steps in regard to Samoa, either in the matter of securing our j own safety, or dovoloping tho resources, and improving tho lot of tho fine race of Polynesians inhabiting the group. So far from the arrangement proposod by President Wilson tending to the peace of the world, it seems to us the sort of thing which is suro to lead to friction and trouble. There is no really sound argument in its favour; it -ia evident that it has been brought forward simply because there is some objection in America to tho Japanese retaining possession of positions so closo to the Philippines as tho Marshall and Caroline Islands. Japan, having captured tho islands from the Germans, has certainly established a strong claim to retain them, and to this viow Great Britain has agreed. , If the absurd fiction of Japan occupying the Islands as mandatory of the Leaguo of Nations is adopted, we foel sure the result will ultimately be to increase the danger of collision ivith. the United States, rather than to diminish it. It is urged that such, an arrangement will save Great Britain, from the reproach, of. -wanting to increase her possessions—wanting, in fact, to "make something out of the "war." If wo wcro to agree to the League of Nations proposal on that ground, wo should simply be writing ourselves down as a nation of humbugs. Lot us, in this supreme crisis, clear our minds of cant. This war has cost us something liko six or seven thousand millions of money, and some three millions of the flower of our male population have been killed or wounded. Nothing that wo can gain out of the "spoils of war" -will compensate us for one-fourth of our material losses, to say nothing of the precious lives "which havo been sacrificed. To suggest that if we retain points of attack we havo captured from the enemy we shall lay ourselves open to the charge of selfish aggrandisement, unless the process is skilfully ' camouflaged, is surely testing our forbearance and good temper a little too far. Wo congratulate Mr Massoy on the manful way in which he has fought for our rights in this matter, and we hope his efforts will be crowned with success.