Germany's War Aims.
Wo referred briefly on Monday to the fact that the German Chancellor had declared the German war policy to be that which was set forth in tho reply to the Pope's Peace Note. Since the only suggestion of a policy in that reply is contained in the reference to the Reichstag resolution of July 19th, 1917, it is clear that Germany asks the Allies' to believe that that resolution still holds the .field The body of the resolution is as follows: — The Reichstag desires a peace of conciliation and the lasting reconciliation of all peoples. Enforced territorial aggrandisement, with political, economic,'' and financial control, cannot bo reconciled with that programme. The Reichstag also rejects , all plans about economic isolation and. the enmity of peoples after the war. The freedom of the seas must be made sure. Only an economic peace can pave the way for friendly co-operation among the' peoples. We will also strongly encourage tho creation of international law organisations. It very soon became apparent, through the discussion of this resolution in Germany, that its significance was differently understood by different people. It is, in fact, a general formula to which all but the pan-Germans can
subscribe, for it can be interpreted to suit almost any taste. Such an imposture stands self-condemned, but it was swallowed greedily by the British stop-the-war party, who actually claimed that the resolution represented the Allies' policy. If these people were sincere in believing that the resolution contained the outlines of a satisfactory peace, they must have been .sadly disillusioned by the events that have since then passed into tho pages of history. The Brest-Litovsk treaty, although* it did not contain any formal annexations to Germany, -was a complete violation of the principles of tho resolution as those principles were understood by tho German Socialists who approved them. That the carving up of Russia should be declared by tho German Government to be in harmony with the resolution is evidence enough for anybody that that formula, which still represents the German policy, was a fraud from the very beginning. Even worse in its shameless negation of all honest ideas is the German settlement with I Roumania. Tho breaking-up of Rou- ' mania's frontiers is only one item in i
the spoliation and enslavement of that unhappy country. Roumania "is forced ! " to jjive most-favoured nation treat•'nient to tho Central Powers," to quote a concise summary of- the ar- j rangement. "She is forbidden to place " export duties on petroleum, the in- ! " dus,try in uliich is now under German " control. Germans are to enjoy special " rights of acquiring lands within her " borders. She cannot raise her duties, " while (ierruany reserves to herself i
" 'complete freedom of action' in a " whose serie3 of tariff questions. Rail- " way rates have been fixed favourably " to Germany, and she acquires a per•'manent right of supervision over the " Roumanian railways, together with "postal and telegraphic privileges. For "two years Roumania may sell food to "the Central Powers alone; for the •' next seven j ears they have an option f< to acquire her surplus food produce." It is no- wonder that some outspoken Germans like Maximilian Harden, declare that the July resolution "turned " pu/rid before its deatti, although some "humorists are still twittering about "it as if it had not been made into a "mummy at Brest." Germany's application of the resolution to Russia and Roumania has been, as Mr Lloyd George has described it, "one of the most '• cynical stories in the history of Prussian perfidy.Nobody can be surprised, therefore, that some of the London newspapers should welcome the appointment of a reactionary successor to von Kuhlmann, on the ground that it will end the risk of the Allied peoples being misled by specious professions of reasonable intentions.
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Press, Volume LIV, Issue 16267, 18 July 1918, Page 6
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629Germany's War Aims. Press, Volume LIV, Issue 16267, 18 July 1918, Page 6
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