NOTES AND COMMENTS.

Press, Volume LIV, Issue 16264, 15 July 1918, Page 7

NOTES AND COMMENTS.

If anybody, reading the German Chancellor's declaration that Germany's policy is that which was stated in reply to the Pope's Peace Note, should turn back to that reply in the hope of finding anything detinite, he will be disappointed. Tile Jfope's suggested terms were as definite as possible: (1) Reduction of armaments, and international arbitration; (2) "complete and reciprocal condonation" in respect of tho reparation of damage, and the costs of war (although his Holiness recognised the possibility of special cases); (.oj the ,

complete evacuation of Belgium, with, a guarantee of her complete independence, tiie evacuation of French territory, and the restitution of the German colonies; (4) territorial questions like these at issue between. Italy and Austria, and between France and Germany, to be 6ettlod in a conciliatory spirit in harmony with the aspirations of the people affocted; (5) the application of equity and justice to Armenia, the Balkan States, and Poland. Ia the lengthy German reply no reference whatever is made to any but the first) of these points, and the Gorman Government sought to cover up its evasion by an elaborate parade of courtesy, and of high motives, in language which our knowledge of Germany's cuilt makes at once horrible and ridiculous.

In the mass of high moral generalities that make up the German reply there is nothing definite upon which one can lay one's hands. The only hint of Germany's aims is that which may bo contained in the following sentence:— "The special measures which the Government has taken, in the closest contact with the representatives of the German people, to discuss and answer the questions raised proves how earnestly it deserves, accordance with the desire of his Holiness and with the peace resolution adopted by the Reichstag of Julv 19th, to find a practical basis for a just and lasting peace." On September 28th the then Chancellor, Herr Michaelis, said: "A Liberal De-. puty rightly observed that the attitude of the Imperial Government, ,m

cards its own aims, has been, clearly defined in my reply to the Pope s Peace Note. As this reply expressly mentioned the peace manifestation of July l ( Jth, there need be no further statement on this point."

The past week has seen the initiation of an interesting military operation by the French and Italian forces in Albania, which appears to be developing into an offensive of considerable size. Although the actual territory gained in this campaign may not be groat, the political consequences are likely to bo of considerable importance, coming at 'a time when the difficulties of the Austrian half of the Dual Monarchy are rapidly growing, the Southern a citat ion among whom was one of the causes of the war, being extremely restive, while the. Northern Slavs the Czechs of Bohemia, the Moravians and Slovaks —aro practically in open rebellion. These two Slav groups, it may bo mentioned, far outnumber the German factions in Austria, and in tho lieiclirath muster 2(33 to the Germans 233—tho latter being divided into mutually antagonistic parties. The possibility of a general revolt otthe wnoie .Slav population, whose claims for a Southern Slav kingdom have been insistent, would therefore appear to constitute a real danger to the Central Powers if tho Allies are able to push their advance into the Slav districts or the Dual Monarchy.

Tt was the Conference of London in 1913 that first founded an independent Albania and put it under the Prince of Wicd. He was driven out in May, 1914, by revolution, and succeeded by Essad Pasha as President of the Albanian Republic. In September, Essad declared war on the Austrians,- and lias throughout remained a loyal ally or the Entente, though, like other •rulers of small States, he has temporarily lost his dountry and is now in Salomca. Five hundred Albanians who have followed liim are fighting at the front, brigaded with the French.

Few people know that the . process. of re-making the map of Europe has been begun already by the Entente Allies in Albania. As long ago December 12th, 1916, they established tho capital- of a free and independent Albanian Republic in the Koritza district. This district at present marks the limits of the embryo State, for the Austrians still hold most of Albania 5 but it possesses all the machinery or a modern Government —a ruling Council, an army 600 Btrong, postage stamps, paper money, a national Hag, foreign alliances, evon a budget that covers' expenditure. The French Army was tho sponsor of this new-born State. The aim of its foundation was as much strategical as political. At the end of 1916 the Bulgarians were in occupation of the whqle district south of Lakes Ochrida and Prespa, and -heir patrols came -as far south as Koritza. The Greeks were in control of -the town. They were Royalists, ancl Koritza was a centre of espionage and contraband. The German mail to and from Athens used to pass through there several times a week. The Austrians had bands of paid komitad.iis (irregulars) ranging the whole district. When tho French patrols first reached Koritza they soon found that the hostility of the local Albanians was not so much love of the Austrians as resentment of any fresh incursion of for*»i<»ners into their country. By ousting the Royalist Greeks and allowing the ■ proclamation of the independence of Albania with Koritza as capital, # the French converted enemies into allies.