The Problem of Ireland.

Press, Volume LIV, Issue 16254, 3 July 1918, Page 6

The Problem of Ireland.

The attitude adopted by Mr Lloyd George in replying to the deputation which advocated a Federal solution of the Irish problem will surprise nobody who has closely followed the Irish controversy. What was not expected, we should say, was that he should have come out so definitely, without any qualifications, for a Federal settlement. It is true that in his letter to Sir Horace Plunkett on February 25th last he said that "the only, hope of agree"ment" lay in a solution which, while providing for the unity of Ireland under a single Legislature with adequate safeguards for Ulster and the Southern Unionists, would still preserve the wellbeing of the Empire "and the funda- " mental unity of the United King- " dom." Here a Federal solution was suggested, but Mr Lloyd George now declares that such a solution, giving equal treatment for Ireland, England, Scotland, and Wales—enabling Englishmen to say, "We are giving you " exactly what we aro taking our- " selves, and what is good enough for " us ought to be good enough for you" —that this solution "would ultimately "give satisfaction as fair, just, and "businesslike." It is long years since Lord Dunraven began to preach Devolution, and until the Irish Convention had concluded its sittings and made its report the Federal solution had occupied very little space in the discussion of the Irish difficulty m re-

cent times, but in April last it came prominently to the front through a letter in which a group of Unionist members of Parliament advocated the immediate introduction of a measure of Irish Government that should be capablo of incorporation in a comprehensive scheme for the whole of the United Kingdom. Thev urged that apart altogether from the urgency of Ireland, the interests of the Kingdom required the establishment of local Parliaments for Scotland and Wales and England. Their appeal was supported by many men whose opinions are entitled to respect, and these were further strengthened in their convictions when it was recalled that one of the earliest advocates of Federation was no less a person than the late Mr Chamberlain. On April 9th, 1886, speaking of Gladstone's Bill, he condemned the granting of what we would now call Dominion Home Rule for Ireland, and proposed the policy which Mr Lloyd George now definitely supports: "I shall look for a solu"tion," he said, "in tho direc- " tion of tho principle of federation. . .

" Somo form of federation which would " really maintain the Imperial unity, "and which would, at the same time, ' : conciliate the desire for a national " local government. ... I say I believe that it is on this line, and "not in the lino of our relations with "our self-governing colonies, that it is " possible to seek for and find a solution of the difficulty. . . You may " find the lines of such a plan in tho "present constitution of Canada, not, 1 ' however, in the relations between " Canada and this country—those are " the very lines against which I pro- " test, and which mean separation— "but in the relations inter se of tho "provinces of Canada and the Do- " minion Parliament. Those are the "relations which I, for one, am per- " fectly prepared to establish to-morrow "between this country and Ireland." Such a solution, of course, would not iifYect the relation of tho Dominions to Britain any more than did the Federation of the Australian States—the Imperial units would remain intact. Indirectly, of course, a Federal rearrangement of the Kingdom would affect the Imperial issue, for a federalised Britain would appear, to be much more on tho same plane as a federal Australia, or a federal Canada, than it does in present conditions. ' The difficulties in the way of the Federal solution are the difficulties in the 'way of any other solution of the Irish difficulty. The Nationalists would still differ from the rest of.the Kingdom as to what powers should be reserved fop tho Central Parliament in London, but this difference would be much less acute if the Nationalists' would agree that Ireland does not in tho nature of things • require specially favourable treatment such as could not be given to Wales or Scotland. The Ulster difficulty would also remain. We greatly doubt whether the Ulster Unionists would be content to come under a Dublin Parliament even in a Federal rearrangement. They -would be safely under tho Union Jack, and the danger from secessionists or separatists would bo over: but they would see in the local powers of a Dublin Parliament a standing menace to their interests. We have yet to learn the opinions of the Irish parties upon Mr Lloyd George s speech, but in tho meantime we cannot feel hopeful of an early settlement of the Irish difficulty.