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Press, Volume LIV, Issue 16147, 27 February 1918, Page 6

From the apparently inexhaustible supply in its possession, the American Government has published some further evidence of German intrigue. It is not news that tho former editor of the newspaper "Gaelic American" was working for Germany in tho early part of 1916. When they ransacked von Igel's papers, tho Amoriean authorities found several lines of communication between tho German diplomatic service and the Irish revolutionary movement. John De7oy, the editor of the "Gaelic American," a violent anti-British paper, was one of the active agente in this connexion. For a time ho acted as gobetween for German Secrot Servico dealings with Casement. One amongst several of Devoy's communications to von Bernntorll, dated April Bth, 19i(i, was as follows, and it evidently refers to the shipment of Gorman supplies to tho Sinn Femers, as mentioned in today's cable news: "Letter dated March 22nd, delayed by Censor, seems conclusive that the iirst messenger arrived safely, with proposal to send supplies, and that the cable was suppressed. Second also safe. Third, with chango of plan, due about April 15th."

The chicf interest of to-day's cable message is the American State Department's statement that Devoy's communications were seized prior to Casement's arrest, and advice given to the British Government, who were thus enabled to capture the ship bound from Germany to Ireland. When the main oxposure of the German-Irish intriguo was made in September last, the "Gaelic American," and the hyphenated Press generally, sought to arouse feeling by charging the American Government with responsibility for Casement's arrest. The official reply was that although the von Igel papers relating to Casement were sent to Washington the night before Casement's arrest was reported, they were not actually received by t-h-3 Attorney-General and turned over to the Stato Department until after C aS( -*ment had been arrested. The statement now issued does not contradict tho earlier one, although the sequence of events is not altogether clear. What is clear, however, is that the American Government showed itself a very good neighbour. It would have ibeen an unneutral act on the part of the American Government to permit or encourage anti-British plots on American soil, or through American citizens, and therefore strict neutrality required that Britain should be made aware of any plots of the kind that the American &uthoritios discover.

There are Irish-Americans who are still bitterly pro-German, and who, if they could or it they dared, would resort to almost any means of injuring even America. But these extremists, we believe, are a minority. Recently the Irish Fellowship Club, the largest Irish organisation in Chicago, drew up a declaration of principles in which it war stated that any Irishman or orgnnisation seeking to embarrass any o 4 the Allied Powers in its conduct of the war is committing ah act of open hostility to the United States. "Any attempt," so the declaration runs, "to make distinctions between the Allies would bo futile, foolish, or insincere. Any policv wiiich premises vo aid the cause of tho Allies and, at tho same time, singles one out for attack, is self-contradictory.

"\Vo are -therefore compelled to regard any Irishman who at this time tries to embarrass the conduct of tho war by any of the European Powers, as trying to embarrass Amcrica. We must tell our .Irish brethren at homo that they cannot look to America or Irish-America for any sympathy in any such policy. On tho contrary, wo regard any such polk-y as an act of open hostility toi America, and to us as Americans. * Most people who -used to imagine tfint Ireland is a poor and downtrodden country have a sounder opinion now. The great development of agriculture and the high prices of produce during tho war liavo resulted in Irelaud's becoming exceedingly prosperous. 13ut even those who know how iudicrous tho adjcctivo "distressful"' really is as applied to Ireland, may not be aware of tho full extent of Irish production. Official returns show that, exclusive of Government stores, Britain imported from Ireland in 1915 nearly £5,0C0,000 woith of eggs, or over a million pounds' worth more than from Denmark and Russia combined. Ireland supplied oij million pounds' worth of butter, or nearly as much as camo from Russia, £1.394,000 worth of poultry, £705,000 worth of potatoes, £G.BiK),OOO worth of bacon and pigs, and sheep and mutton to the valuo of £1,125,000. Most striking of all are tho figures relating to cattle and beef. We all know of the enormous business done by Argentina in this line 1 —the British imports in ISIS amounted to £15,304,000. In the same year Ireland sold to Britain £15,863,000 worth 1 The value of Ireland's export egas was actually greater than that of the whisky, ale and porter exported.