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The Press Thursday, April 5, 1917. America and Germany.

. Somo tiipo ago, in comnlenting upon JJr Wilson's speech to Congress' announcing tho severance of relations with Genxwjy, we noted as rather xinttsual in ' a diplomatic utterance the distinction ho drew between the Gorman nation and tho German Government. "Wo do "not desire any hostile conflict with '' the Imperial German Government. " Wo are sincere friends of tho German " people, and earnestly desire to re"mam at peace with tho Government "which speak for them"—and so on. Tho same distinction is mado afresh' by the President in his war speech to Congress. He emphasises that America Ijas "no quarrel with tho German peo- " pic, and no feeling towards them "except sympathy and friendship. It ''was not upon their impulse," ho wont on, '{that their Government acted when "entering the war." The war was "provoked in the interest of dynasties," and peace could not bo preserved wliile thero was an "autocratic ''Government" anywhere about. This is a theory upon which there is ground for dispute; as a principle of action by America it is of doubtful soundness and utility.' But America, of course, must go to war in her own way and with her own spccial aim's, and there is nothing left for anybody else to do except to take those facts as they are. Whither will they load America, and how will they affect tho Allies? . Mr Wilson's statement is susceptible of moro than ■ ono reading, but it may mean that j America intends; as we have earlier sug- ! to come in as something like an independent combatant, fighting for j ipecific ends. First and chiefly, American .•ights must be upheld, and what immediately threatens them is tho submarine policy of Germany. There can so no peace between the two countries in til the Germans wholly abandon that policy so far as merchant ships and passenger-carrying vessels aro concerned. Does the President hold, however, that, once America has entered the war, she cannot keep this single and direct aim in a watertight compartment? That ho is thinking of a widening of American aims and responsibilities may be inferred from tho stress ho lays upon tho importanco oi democracy all round as a necessary of futuro peace. Wo are optimistic enough to believe that thj President will , come to see —he was greatly assisted hero by Mr Balfour's luminous memorandum of January last—that tho peaco he desires is the peace which is sought by tho Allies. Tho question now arises: What effect will this new attitude of America have upon the German Government and tho

German people? Ho appeals, so far as there is an appeal in his policy, not so much to that Government as to that people. Already there are signs that Germany is beginning to realise that something must be done. The German papers are talking of domestic reorganisation as a way to peace, and there is talk of a fresh German offer of peace based upon the establishment of democratic machinery for the Empire. It will be something—indeed, it will be a great thing—if the autocracy of Germany givo3 place to real representative government, although it would bo a grievous mistake, of course, to suppose that a thoroughgoing democracy is necessarily pacifist. But the Allies cannot accept a German general election, and a Prime Minister responsible to the Reichstag, as a sufficient solution of the difficulties raised by this war. j Mr "Wilson attaches far too much importance to his theory of autocracy. If the Gerirjans can emerge tmdefeated from this war, they will not bo rendered harmless bv the reduction of the Kaiser to the status of a civilised monarch of a democracy. They did not enter this war as the helpless, unenthusiastic, deluded pawns that some people would like to have us suppose. They were trained for generations to believe themselves the appointed rulers and instructors of the world, and they welcomed tho war. They are tired of it now, but if they could havo a tolerable peace, they would bo confirmed in their belief in their destiny, whatever happened to the Ivaiser. All this Mr "Wilson will perhaps find out in due course. In the meantime, while the accession of America to tho ranks of those fighting for civilisation will be very wclcome. there can be no slackening on the part of tho Allies. The only possible term 3 are still terms that mean the actual defeat of Germany on land and sea. America's intervention will hasten the coming of that defeat: it does not absolve tho Allies from maintaining their -utmost endeavours.

Permanent link to this item
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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19170405.2.33

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Press, Volume LIII, Issue 15868, 5 April 1917, Page 6

Word count
Tapeke kupu
766

The Press Thursday, April 5, 1917. America and Germany. Press, Volume LIII, Issue 15868, 5 April 1917, Page 6

The Press Thursday, April 5, 1917. America and Germany. Press, Volume LIII, Issue 15868, 5 April 1917, Page 6

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