The Press. MONDAY MAY 25, 1914. The Irish Crisis.

Press, Volume L, Issue 14976, 25 May 1914, Page 6

The Press. MONDAY MAY 25, 1914. The Irish Crisis.

.When the last mail left England, in the middle of AprD, thero were disz cerniblo in the. flood of -speech, and of writing upon tho Irish crisis traces of f a hone, and a readiness to believe, . that the corner had been turned,,and , that tho parties might sbmohow come to agreement. Tho latest cable news .-_ _ho*v_ that for this hopo • and belief there was no warrant. Tho debato whioh was suspended last week was on f the motion for the third reading of s tho Bill, and the final division cannot bo postponed for long, and probably the Unionists "will make uo at cmpfc to postpone it. Tho carrying of tho third reading may not mean the immediate translation of the Bill into an' Act-, but for all practical purposes it will , bo ap AcL It is obviously expected that the final passage of.the Bill will "--' create a dangerous situation immediately. Priests, wo aro told, are urging their flocks to abstain from precessions, and other demonstrations, but tho police aro being disposed! to deal with any outbreaks that may occur. No doubt it is too much to expect tho moro ardent Nationalists to restrain their exultation over what they will consider a triumph over their Unionist fellow-citizens, and it will be too much to expect that tho Irish Unionists will maintain their peaceful bearing under provocation. Everybody will hope, hotrever, that the Government's procedure will not havo tho effect, which tho Government possibly desires of provoking the Ulstermen "_, into an immediate conflict. It is , doubtful now whether the higher inter- _ ests. tho interests of peace and concord, can be promoted hy passing tho Bill aud - leaving for a future day tho settlement of the modifications. Had the Government brought down its amending proposals at the "suggesiion stage" of •tho Bill, tho whole scheme could havo been sent up to the Lords and the question finally dealt wjth in one Act. " If tho Lords tho modifications tho main Bill would still become law without further debate, and the Government would bo no worse off than it is now. The Primo Minister's explanation that he wishes to make sure, first of ; all, of tho principle of Home . ItuJo *-s«w-—— -—s", .u—n .—_ i—*■-"*■ —► ■

could easily be done without exposing tho Kingdom to the risks of a period during which every Nationalist could say that the Union was finally smashed. There is another risk. Had the amendments been taoked on to' the main Bill, the Nationalists would have been unable to get the Bill without at the same time accenting the concessions. Under the arrangements actually proposed, it is within Mr Redmond's power, should the concessions bo unsatisfactory to the Unionists, to join with them, against the Government. He can at any rato dictate the limit of tho concessions, for the Government is still entirely dependent upon the Irish Party for the maintenance of its position. Tn the meantime t_o protests of the Unionist Party agairj.t tho House beiDg asked to pass the Bill 'without hnowing exactly what the amendments will be mu&t br> takc-n as reflecting the uneasiness and sense of treachery which fill the hearts of tho Ulstermen. The situation has becomo perilous again, and "Tho Times'' does not exac-orate when it says that "no

"Prime Minir-tcr ha.s_ ever trifled so " long with possibilities which may "shake the whole Empire to its f-oun-"dations.'' Should the Ulster Unionists establish a Provisional Government forthwith, tho nation will hold Mr Asqnith rcsronsiblo for whatever evil results may follow.