Welsh Disestablishment.

Press, Volume L, Issue 14974, 22 May 1914, Page 6

Welsh Disestablishment.

Practically the Welsh Disestablishment Bill is law. It has passed tho Houso of Commons for the. third time, and the veto of the House of Lords upon it has no longer any effect. Its passage into law. will be the first fruits of the Parliament Act. To everyono who takes an interest in the Church of England tho enactment of this measure is of considerable interest, mingled in many cases with regret and indignation.' By disestablishing the Church in Wales, it cuts off tho Welsh dioceses from the Province of Canterbury, to which, they havo boon joined for hundreds of years, and disestablishment will moan that the Welsh Bishops will no longer be qualified to sit in the House of Lords, that no person will bo nominated to ecclesiastical office in Wales by tho Crown, that every cathedral or ecclesiastical corporation will bo dissolved, and that, with certaiu exceptions, ecclesiastical law shall cease to bo law in Wales. Disestablishment has been strongly opposed by most Churchmen in England and Wales, mainly on tho ground that it will break up the unity of the Church, but the weakness of their case is that tho Church in Wales is not a national Church in tho sense that it is in England. It is the disendowment provisions of the Bill which hare evoked the most indijnant protests. Ail tho property of the Welsh Chnrch except plate and furniture is to be vested in Commissioners, who aro to hand : over churches., residences, funds for repairs, private benefactions, certain glebe lands, and certain burial grounds, to tho new governing body of the Church. They aro to dispose of

other buri-al grounds to local authorities, tithes and other parochial property to County Councils., and the remainder of tho Church property (endowments) to the University of Wales. Provision is made for existing interests. These transfers aro to be subject to the conditions on which the properties are now held, and overy person holding office in the Church (clerical or lay) affected by the Act shall retain his interest so long as he holds tbe office. These are the main points in what arc necossnrilr lengthy and complex provisions. The objectors to disendowment describe as sheer rob-

bery the taking away of property from a Church to devote it to secular purposes. When reminded of Irish dis-e.-uabli.shnipnt, they reply that the Church is the largest denomination in Wales, and that statistics show it to bo growing. The main argument of the supporters of disendowment is that the property which is to be taken away was given to the Church for the benefit of the people at a time when the Church and tho people were one, and that now that tho Church is not a national institution the property should revert to tho people. To this Churchmen retort that trust property rightly remains with the institution to which it was committed, that tho Welsh people who have left tho Church havo no right to a s-haro in property set aside for tho benefit of Church members. And Roman Catholics, looking on at the dispute, remark, merely by way of comment, that if the Church's property is to be alienated, it should go to their Church, as it was to their Church that it originally belonged. All this, of course, i.s highly controversial, and we do no more than.state the arguments. To most people, however, it will always appear a singular contention—and this is a contention of the Welsh Radicals— that as some of the endowments originally belonged to the Catholic .Church. | the religious halanco can bo redressed ! by using the spoil, as the London "Tablet" once caustically said, for tho establishment of municipal bath-houses.

Our ''Liberal" friends would really be much happier and less ineffective if they abandoned their self-imposed task of maintaining the infallibility of their leader. A couple of days ago we took occasion to explain to Sir Joseph Ward that it was very absurd of his party to condemn tho Lands for Settlement Act, and at the same time to claim credit for its results during Mr Massey's first year of office. The local organ of the Opposition is exceedingly angry with us for. refusing to ignore the "Liberals' " shocking want of logic on this point, and tells us that the "Liberals" did not begin to condemn the land purehaso policy only after losing office. Sir Josenh Ward" had for years and years, we are assured, declared that the Act had become a failure: "For four or fivo years before ho left office Sir Joseph repeatedly referred to the fact that tho Act was failing in its original purpose," which, of courso, is its present purpose, namely, the subdivision and settlement of large holdings. If this bo true, then we can only say that it was tho most natural thing in the world that Sir Joseph Ward should all tho same have gone on utilising the Act, and that even now, tho "Liberals" should be boasting of tho effects of the measure. J

Our contemporary is not a bit more happy when it sets out to suggest that Sir Joseph W*ard had devised a new and efficien substitute for the Act. "The plan by which the Liberal leader proposed to make the Act more effective was disclosed in the Governor's Speech at the opening of the short session in 1912, and yet our contemporary," and so on and so forth. That famous Speech is remembered now only for its extravagance as a despairing death-bod repentance, but we may recall that "the plan" was merely a vague allusion to some Bill giving the Crown power to take compulsory es-

tatcs worth £25,000 or more, at a price to be fixed by the Land Purchase Board, tho land to bo resold on the deferred payment system. The Bill was not introduced, and no more was heard of the "plan." Even the Opposition papers ignored it. As a "plan" it presents no advantage over the Act passed by the Government last year. The truth of tho matter is that tho Opposition Leader has not even begun to think seriously about land policy.

Prince William of Wied had a very short "honeymoon" in Albania. Ho had hardly made himself uncomfortable in the dilapidated rat-infested palace at Durazzo before tho Epiroto revolt broko out, and now his palace has been fired on by Albanians under Essad Pasha, and he has had to be extricated from a very awkward position by Italian marines. Essad Pasha, whose coup d'etat might havo succeeded but for tho Italians, seems to resemble Enver Bey in his methods. It will be remembered that he succeeded to tho Turkish command in Scutari during tho war, and after marching out with the honours of war, proclaimed himself ruler of Albania. Reports to hand by tho latest English papers suggest that ho used tho Epi'rote revolt to strengthen his position and weaken his masters. If he is got out of the way, the King will havo a clearer field for tho handling of his very difficult- problems. In addressing tho Albanians when he arrived at Duraszo, the King referred to them as "the Albanian natiou." There is, tinfortunately, no such thing, but it is his duty to do something towards creating one. Fortunately for him theso is peace in Epirus, and ho can give more time to policing and consolidating his territories. As we said before, Englishmen will wish him luck. He did a j plucky thing when he left the security and luxur.y of his German homo to be ruler over the most turbulent people in Europe. Mrs ParneU's description of the Irish leaders coolness in tho most trying moments of his life is amply borne out by his official biographer, Mr Barry O'Brien. The Irish party met in room 15 of the House of Commons after Mr Gladstone's letter to decide what should be done as to the leadership of the Party. "How did Mr Parnell look when he came to your meeting?" an

Irish member was asked by an English Radical. "Well," said the Irish member, "ho looked as if we had committed adultery with his wife."

The fact mentioned by Mrs Parnell that Parnell was in the habit of referring to Mr Gladstone as a "spider" is not new. After the breach he more than once used the term in public. .Mr O'Brien thought these attacks undeserved, and told him so. He said: "What have I said?" Mr OTSricn replied: "You remember as well as I." "I called him an old gentleman." ho said. "Well, he is an old gentleman. There is no harm in that." Mr O'Brien begged him to take the matter seriously, and Parnell again asked what it was he had called Mr Gladstone. O'Brien replied: "Well, you will probably smile, but it is not, after all, a smiling matter. You called him 'a grand old spider.' I met Morley (who is not unfriendly to you) in the lobby, and ho said: 'Do you think I can have anything to do with a man who called Mr Gladstone a grand old spider?'" Parnell smiled and answered: "I think that is complimentary—spinning all kinds of webs and devices. That is just what he does." As all tho world now knows, Parnell. who was a superb Parliamentary strategist, more than' met, hts match in Mr Gladstone, and there is a confession of defeat, in the remark which ho is reported to have made to his wife. I

It is interesting to recall at this juncture what Parnell thought of Mr Asquith. Mr Barry O'Brien, on one occasion, remarked to him: "There is Asquith. lie i.s a coming man. Some people say he may be the Liberal loader of tho future." Parnell: "Yes, Mr Asquith is a coming man. a very clover man; but (looking Mr Bf.rry O'Brien straight in the face) do you think Mr Asquith is very keen about Homo Rule? Do you think he will risk anything for Home Rule. Mr Asquith won't trouble about Home Rule, take my word for that." Ono wonders whether Parnell would havo changed his view had he lived to see the present crisis.