THE DANGER IN NATAL

Press, Volume XLIX, Issue 14835, 28 November 1913, Page 6

THE DANGER IN NATAL

It is only too clear that what is happening in Natal will have a very serious effect on the minds of the natives in India. The graver allegations made of the ill-treatment, of Indians in Natal may be, and probably are, , without foundation, but that will not prevent them from being believed in India. We know how ready a certain section of our own community is to believe the wildest charges against employers and the forces of law and order, and how certain agitators publish statements which on their face are palpably false. In India there is a still more unscrupulous class of agitator, while the natives whom they address are credulous to a degree not surpassed anywhere in the world. People who are ready to believe that the British build bridges on the bodies of sacrificed victims, and spread disease deliberately to keep down the population, will exercise no\ discrimination in

accepting information from Natal. Everything charged against the whites •will be swallowed with avidity by millions of . natives. Tho late Mr Fischer is reported to have made it clear to tMb Imperial Government that tho suggested enquiry would be regardod as an unwarrantable interference with South Africa's affairs, but it will be seen in our news this morning that the Viceroy has said that tha South African Government has now no alternative but to grant such an enquiry. It would certainly seem to be wisdom to make this concession. This is not a purely South African matter, but an Imperial question, and the Union Government owes it to the Empire not to stand too rigidly on the strict letter of its rights. Much irreparable harm has already been done, but an enquiry by a Commission which included Indian representatives might relieve tho anxiety of less prejudiced natives in India. Another senou3 aspect of the situation is the possible weakening of the confidence in and reverence for the Crown among the people of India. The native regards the King, not as a constitutional monarch, but as a governing Emperor. The King to him is an all-powerful last Court of Appeal, and that the King did not interfere in tho tieatment of Indians in South Africa would be to him a proof either that the Imperial authority had been weakened, or that tho Emperor did not care for the welfare of his Indian subjects. Either conclusion is bad for the Crown's prestigo in India.

In spite of the frequent explanations which hare been made on the subject, there seems to be still some misapprehension as to* the difference between, the system of proportional representation proposed by the Government in connexion with tho reform of the Legislative Council and the system of preferential or contingent vote which

Sir Joseph. Ward, after damning it in 1903, now says ought to be adopted in lieu of the second ballot. In each case the elector shows his order of preference by marking 1, 2, 3, etc., opposite the names of the several candidates. In the case of proportional representation the constituencies are large, and each returns more than one member —preferably not less than five. In the case of the alternative vote, only one member is returned for each seat as under the present system. It follows that with proportional representation a minority can be practically cure of being represented by at least one member of its own way of thinking. In tho case of preferential voting, as in that of the second ballot, the minority vote, if it is used at all, is given to swell the votes given by another section. The worst feature of tho system is that as a rule these votes are given in a moment of political excitement and in violation of the real beliefs and principles of the voter. In the old system of majority voting, the minority was naturally disappointed at its own man not being elected, but it was spared the degradation of actually assisting to return a member in whom it did not beliove.

Surely the "Liberate" have had enough time to learn to avoid the grosser kinds of inconsistency and humbug. During the Greymouth election contest they railed at the Government for improperly delaying the election. Now the Leader of the Opposition is complaining because the election will not be delayed. Nor is that all. Some of the "Liberals," in. a ratl*er amiisinjs panic, are crying out that the Lyttelton by-«lection is being hurried on. Mr Massey, when urged yesterday to use his authority to postpone the election, gently intimated that if he did bo he would be accused of making delay in order that the second ballot should be abolished before the polling. Everyone knows that that charge would, in such a case, be brought against the Prime Minister by his opponents. What surprises us is that Sir Joseph Ward should imagine that Mr Massey has learned less of "Liberalism's" pretty little ways than the public in general has learned of them.

The executive of the Federation would appear to have lost its sense of humour, or to imagine that the public hare lost theirs. "in its latest manifesto it says that whatever ■Mγ Justice Williams might decide if he acted as arbitrator, "and on whatever point he gave his decision the Federation would cheerfully abide by and regard as binding." According, of course, to its invariable custom, and according to its famous watchword concerning agreements. The executive goes on to say that if the employers refuse to accept ife offer, "then surely the public will make the inference that the employers dare not face an enquiry." Wo rather fancy the public will make another inference altogether. It will infer that the employers have been re-perusing these inspiring words of that pillar of the Federation, Mr P. H. Hickey: "There can be no 'loyalty' between workers and employers. Recognise that any agreement entered into is not binding upon you for a single instant. No, not if it were,signed by a thousand officials and ratified by a dozen Courts."

These are hard days for the entiHeformere, and his would be a hard heart who would grudge them the satisfaction they feel when they think of some new x grievance. The latest complaint is amusing and interesting. The chief organ of the party, the Wellington "Liberal" daily, has discovered that a great "injustice" has been done to Wellington in tho allocation of public works expenditure. There are liberal votes for every district, it is urged, excepting Wellington. Surely this critic temporarily forgot that it is the duty of a "Liberal" to say that the Government's policy is "spoils to the victors." Had it not co forgotten, it would not have drawn attention in this way to the fact that the district Mr Massey has "punished" is the wicked district which gave the Government nine seats out of eleven, and tho capital of which gave him four of its five seats.

T.>day's cable news contains a message about another Old Master having been purchased in England, probably for America, and of a resolution by repre* sontatives of art societies in favour of the establishment of a Ministry of Fine Arts. The suggestion is not new, but it has acquired force through recent exportations of great works of art. In France there is a Minister to look after euch things, and on the whole the control works well for Art; Among other matters, the Minister looks after the preservation of beautiful and historic buildings. But French Art is more accustomed to official control than English, and the existence of such a department is in harmony with the genius of the people. In. England there is instinctivo opposition to the interference of the State in matters of Art. However, there is much to be eaid for the innovation. The intelligent preservation of historic buildings and spots, the improvement and co-ordina-tion of the architecture of public buildings, and the systematic direction and control of town-planning would juetify the creation of such a department, apart from the encouragement of the arts and the retention of great works of art in the country. Much, of course, would depend on tho Minister. A selfconfident but uncultured man might do incalculable harm, but a man of taste, or a man of ordinary ability who was prepared to take expert advice, would have many opportunities for doing good work. Tho present Secretary for the Colonies would make an ideal Minister of Fine Arts. When First Commissioner of Works, he directed, public works intelligence and taste. The Office of Works already does some of tho work that would fall to a Minister of Fine Arts, and might bo extended to meet the wishes of those who want to see the State doing more for Art.

The probable loss to the nation of Raphael's "Madonna" from Earl Cowper's collection ■will revive the agitation for a prohibition on the exportation of such works of art.. It is very doubtful, however, whether snch a drastic step will be taken all at once. Useful reform can be accomplished in other ways. The grant to the National Gallery for purchasing pictures is quite inadequate compared with the resources of American buyers. It is only £5000 a year, and sometimes the trustees are obliged

to spend their income for several years ahead in securing an important picture. Then the system of government of the Gallery is very unsuited to the pnrchaso of the kind of picture that the Gallery wants. The director has no power to purchase without the consent of the twelve trustees, who meet only once a month, and for the most part are not experts. When valuable pictures come on tho market, there is generally very little time to negotiate and consider; the transaction must be put through quickly if the picture ia not to be lost. A much better method would be to efVe the director a free hand. Lord Curzon has. made the interesting suggestion that a census be taken of all the fine works of art in British private collections, and the owners be asked to give the State first offer of tbeso if they are to bo sold. Mr Asquith is alive to the shortcomings of the present lack of system, and when he has more time for such things, he will probably move in the matter.

The member for Avon obligingly let the cat out of the bag last night. The "Liberals" have been declaring that they are not thinking of party in wanting the second ballot to remain. When Mr Massey told the House last night that he would so arrange that the Second Ballot Act would govern the by-election, Mr Russell coirid not refrain from chuckling that that would cost the Government the seat. Wo think the member for Avon is wrong, but his observation shows what tho "Liberals" have all tho time been thinking of while professing concern only for "justice" and "the rights of the majority. , '