ENGLAND AND AMERICA.

Press, Volume LX, Issue 11502, 7 February 1903, Page 8

ENGLAND AND AMERICA.

A POLITICIAN'S VIEW. A month ago our relations with the United States were, with one exception, as good as tiiey could be (says Mr Henry Norman, writing in December last). The exception was the Alaska boundary, and the United States Government had made a proposal for the settlement of that question which would, it may fairly be said, be instantly accepted by the people of England if they could bd consulted. Toe British Government ha., not yet accepted it. But practically our relations were perfect. I do not hesitate to say that to-day we are on the eve of a dangerous strain. In the, first place, profound astonishment is felt in America that we should have been so simple as to allow ourselves to be induced by Germany to take common action with her within the sphere of the Monro. Doctrine. We have frankly and fully recognised* the Monroe doctrine; Germany has not. America feels a deep suspicion of Germany; she feels none of us. German methods of punitive action are different from British method.—witness China and the Crete a Pierrot. A large and influential section of American writers upon international affairs believes that tho objects of Germany will eventually force her into conflict with the United States.

It passes American understanding, therefore, to know why on earth we should have consented to let 'Germany lead us by the hand into a sphere where delicate relations with the United States would inevitably arise. This also pa-.ses the understanding of many people in England. There remains the focus of the whole matter —a point touched by only one speaker in the debate in the House. It is certain that the action of the, United States Government will be scrupulously correct, and, happily, equally certain that it will be characterised by friendliness to this country,, so far as American interests permit. But behind the United States Government is the American people, and no Government in the world is so sensitive to the feelings of the people who have placed it in power. Indeed, every American is justly proud of th : s constitutional relationship "between Government and people. Now, the American people is patient and intelligent, but it is also highly susceptible. It tolerates, with a cynical indiffereno?, up to a certain point. That point passed, it acts like a flash. The question is,, whether this German-British blockade, this GermanBritish sinking of South American ships, this German-British bombarding of halfruined castles armed with obsolete cannon, will not push American public opinion to the point at which it acts. And there is a subsidiary question also: How would German opinion regard a breach between the two Englishspeaking peoples, in which the British one was firmly and formally pledged beforehand te» act hand-in-hand with Germany? To the liret of these questions I greatly fear an affirmative answer cannot bs long delayed. The second I submit for consideration. If I am asked to drop the attitude of critic and propose an alternative* policy, the answer is not difficult. I readily admit that the British Government?, faced with the outrageous action of Venezuela, the urgent and strenuously personal German requests, and our relations with the United States, was in a, difficult position. Bub our relations with America concerning all issues arising in tlie American sphere of influence should outweigh every other consideration a hundred times over. We ought to have moved hand-in-hand with the United States, not hand-in-hand with Germany, in approaching Venezuela. And even now, at any risk of criticism or misunderstanding, our only proper course h to seek, through diplomatic methods pimple enough, the arbitration of the United States Government. Along that road we shill find dignity, safety, and ultimate compensation. Any other road leads to consequence? one would rather not contemplate, and they may be awaiting ua round the next corner.