WORLD AFFAIRS.

Auckland Star, Volume LIX, Issue 235, 4 October 1928, Page 6

WORLD AFFAIRS.

X WEEKLY REVIEW.

JBy BYSTANDER.)]

One of the most interesting features of the political campaign now in progress at Home is the attitude that Mr. Baldwin has felt compelled to take up with respect to the safeguarding of industries. Ever since this principle was introduced into the British fiscal system there has been a struggle between the Tariff Reformers, who wish to see it extended, and the Free Traders, who want to hare it abolished. Before the last elections Mr. Baldwin, in spite of the remonstrances of some of his supporters, committed himself definitely to the statement that he would not extend this process of "safeguarding" unduly—in other words, he would not attempt to introduce a general scheme of Protection for British industries—without appealing to the country again. But in the meantime his followers have been calling loudly for the application of the safeguarding system to several staple industries, notably iron and steel. Apart from the fact that to "safeguard" iron and steel adequately against foreign competition would mean Protection on a very substantial scale, there is a personal ground for the Prime Minister's reluctance to comply with this request. For "Baldwins" halve very large interests in the steel and iron industries, and the head of the; British Government dare not lay himself open even to the barest suspicion of .having exploited his high office for his own profit. Therefore, in spite of the clamour of the Tariff Reformers, Mr. Baldwin has just repeated his positive promise not to introduce Protection without a special mandate from the electors. At the same time he has reminded his followers that no industry is debarred from stating its claims for "safeguarding," and with this for the time they must rest content. But they are bringing heivy pressure to bear on their leader to induce him, as General Page Croft puts it, "to go full steam ahead." "The impotent fools of the fiscal world"—"the only mad race in the world"— such are British Free Traders nowadays to Conservative eyes.

. "A Most Superior Person." Thft publication of Lord Curzon's biography has suggested to a great many people that quite possibly the dead statesman belonged to the large class of unfortunates who are in reality much pleasanter and better men than their reputations. A rather malicious jingle, dating back to his college days, stamped Lord Curzon for all time in the popular estimation as supercilious and arrogant; and however mistaken this impression may have been, he was not the man ever to reveal the innermost secrets of his nature to casual acquaintances. Ambitious, self-confident, and overbearing, and.quite incapable of adopting a sympathetic or amicable tone toward rivals or opponents, , Curzon made many enemies; and in spite of quite exceptional intellectual gifts and remarkable force of character he never won public confidence, and therefore he never attained the highest levels of power. His mo6t grievous disappointments were his defeat in his great struggle with Kitchener for control in India, and his failure to secure the leadership of the Conservatives after the death of Bonar Law. It was more than wounded vanity that made Curzon brood over this rebuff as the disappointment of his life's greatest ambition. For he was genuinely patriotic and public-6pirited, and he felt himself capable of serving his country well if only she would trust him. In spite of the popular belief, Curzon was an intensely emotional man, and one of the most characteristic stories circulated about him is told in Graves' book about "Lawrence of Arabia." During an interview with the Cabinet, when Lawrence had set forth the grievances of Feisul and tbe Arabs in his most telling style, Curzon suddenly burst into teare. He was no sentimentalist or weakling, and that story alone is enough to class him among the great band of historical figures who have been "not understood."

The Telegraph Merger. When the proposal for a "merger" of all the telegraph lines and cables throughout the Empire was first discussed, the impression produced was that, by the establishment of a great and comprehensive monopoly, greater efficiency and cheaper rates of transmission would be secured for the general public. No doubt monopoly in some forms has its advantages, and the economic experts say that the system is most advantageously applied to public services of this kind. But recently some doubt has been expressed at Home whether the full story of the "merger" has yet been told. The "Economist" has pointed out that, as the whole of the Indo-European Company's operations, and all the oversea wireless systems, are to be excluded from 4his arrangement, and no provision is made in regard to the development of future services, therefore "clearly the merger is not a monopoly," and cannot produce all the beneficial effects claimed by its advocates. But what, then, is the motive behind the formation of this huge "combine"? Those who disapprove of the scheme or distrust its promoters are already hinting broadly that the whole project has been devised by the Eastern Telegraph Company and its allies to enable them to absorb the Pacific Cable Company. Now, everyone on this side of the world ought to know that the Pacific Cable Company was formed to break down the monopoly then exercised by the Eastern Company, and the result of its establishment was a great and rapid reduction of cable charges. Unfortunately the Pacific Cable Board —largely through Canada's defection—finds it impracticable to "carry on." But if the Eastern Company once gets control again we may expect confidently that our cable charges will go up at once, to the grave detriment of our Imperial commerce and industry. The New Tyranny. The Fascist Grand Council, which marks the culminating point of Mussolini's system, is now established, and its constitution has been defined. Composed of leaders of the Fascist Party and members of the Government, and sitting, significantly enough, "in camera," it will concentrate in itself "the Supreme Power of Italy." As the National Assembly is now systematically "packed" with Fascist members, and the Grand Council" "must be consulted on all constitutional measures,*' it is idle to pretend that Italy is any longer a limited monarchy. The prerogatives of the throne have been confiscated by the Dictator, and j-o keenly does the King feel his impotence that his resignation is generally expected to ensue at once. Three years ago Italian newspapers described him as "Victor Emmanuel 111.. King of Italy by grace of Mussolini," and it is now reported that, resenting this last intolerable humiliation, he has decided to dissolve Parliament and then to abdicate. In the natural order of things his successor would be his only son Humbert. But it is rumoured that Mussolini has decid9d to ignore the Crown Prince and to call to the throne the King's second cousin. Prince Amedeo of Savoy, son of the Duke of Aosta. By all accounts this young prince, in energy, ability and courage, is a worthy son of his distinguished father, who fs a great traveller and explorer, and of his mother, who is descended lineally from the Bourbon kings of France. Not all these anticipations may be realised. But it is a fact of the most momentous importance that, even if King Victor Emmanuel should retain the crown, he has been deprived of all his powers, and the Government of Italy is to-day "an unmitigated despotism- controlled by a Dictator who a few years ago was a Socialist rebel.