The Anglo-Maori Warder. TUESDAY, MAY 16, 1848.

Anglo-Maori Warder, Volume 1, Issue 4, 16 May 1848, Page 2

The Anglo-Maori Warder. TUESDAY, MAY 16, 1848.

A very general impression seems to have obtained, that the Governor's powers, by receipt of the late despatches, have been indefinitely increased. They may be so; but when one comes to ask in what respect, a precise answer is not so easy to be obtained. Much has been left, as usual, to his own disctetion in the mode of carrying out the last new intentions which Earl Grey has expressed, but still their integrity must be preserved in the main ; he is empowered to increase the number uf the reconstituted Legislative Council ; to form, if he think fit, two subordinate provincial councils ; but is not suffered to dispense altogether with the assistance of such a body. So far, matters are the same as they were before. With regard to the election for the Town Councils, the establishment of which LordGuFY continues strongly to recommend, it must be acknowledged that nearly complete control has been gh en to him over them, —in theory at all events, however difficult it might pio\e to be practically exercised—by the latitude allowed in determining the qualification of voteis, as well as by the power which he w ill possess of swamping the votes of European settleis by unlimited granting of certificates to Natives, entitling themtobe placedon the register of the borough,andtoexercisetheirfranchise. Vor although it be necessary that such Natives Mhould occupy tenements within the limits of boroughs, these limits, it must be borne in mind will have to be fixed by Captain Grey himself. Still it is difficult to perceive in what the great increase uf authority can be said to consist. He has been able to act very much as he pleased up' j this time, and can do no more than that even now. It is true that certain farcical forms were obliged to be gone through, which only tended to increase the facility of can)mg out such measures as were opposed to the wishes of the community , that a Council composed of an otficiai majority of four against three was ceremoniously requested to vote ; but 110 one could be found gravely to allege thit 'J had ever imposed any check upon l'\e wi.-hes and proceedings of its president. And the future Council. which will coiuut.— it" Captain Gun au upon the fuimeil) 'made In himself —ul a tn.ij ot six against live, miM be tti ilea's,it) e jually under command. We toiild have wished for many leasous, to v <• the UowiJiu' m.dependent ot any such assembly at all . upon bio own diuu authority, without the intervention of this pi.xe of machineiy, winch seiu-s meiei) to keep up a false appearance of constitutional We 1 »uU have wished openly In i;ne him all the power, and all the responsibility .

to abolish whutnoi might be interposed as a kind uf shield, or breakwater, between himsolf and Iho issue of his measures, should they prove unfortunate. Let us offer a few simple reasons, as concisely as possible, in support of such a form of government, at all events for the next few yenvs to come. The laws and institutions of a new colony, must be fashioned for it at home, or upon the spot. And it may be supposed that little difference of opinion will he entertained, as to which is the better mode of providing for our political wants. The bane of this colony, front the beginning, has been the determination o¥ the home government to legislate for us in matters which it has never thoroughly understood, piling blunder upon blunder, aud not yet cured of interference ; playing at cross purposes with its own agents, with a year's interval of time required to set each several mistake to rights. The country, has been lying like a patient in a hospital, at the mercy ofe\ery new practitioner to try his prentice hand upon ; drugged with quacksalvers and experimental nostrums, — forced down its throat in spite of all resistance—until its nervous system has become disorganised ; until confidence in the stability of every existing institution, or enactment has been entirely lost. Any thing rather than the nursing of the Colonial office. If then, we be right in assuming that our laws should be framed and adapted to circumstance in the very place where they are to be enforced, it remains only to be considered with whom the power of making them should preferably lie; with the colonists themsehes, or with some authority appointed over all. We are aware that our own doctrine on that subject may beunpalateable to many ; that the expression of it may possibly bring our opinions generally into disrepute : still we do not hesitate to put the question to any coolreasoning man, and ask whether the early settlers of a very young colony are to be considered at once capable of framing an entire system of policy for themselves. There are too many hindrances to their acquiring a habit of unbiassed reflection on such a subject; causes which it would be tedious, even perhaps invidious, to examine into ; we will content ourselves to alluding to one alone, sufficient in itself to constitute a grave objection to the premature accordance of legislative powers to the people. It is this; that particular interests are here affected too directly by every ordinance that is passed. In an old and thickly populated country, a large class of men is usually to be found among its legislators who may be considered as personally uninterested in the laws which they are called upon to frame; who are at all events reached by them only indirectly, through several removes. But almost every enactment passed out here strikes home, immediately affecting the interests of the \ery men who pass it; and although it be perfectly possible that our colonists might rise superior to any such personal considerations, it would be safer upon the whole not to run the risk of a contrary event. To take as broad and simple an example as can be devised. In settling the mode of raising regime, a member of council engaged in agriculture would support a a system of customs duties; whilst one engaged in mercantile pursuits would vote for a property tax, in which the land would bear the heaviest share of the burden. Nor could a contrary course of conduct be reasonably expected. We have no hesitation in avowing our belief that a good honest despotism—ue love what Jeremy Taylor terms, " that Macedonian simplicity which call things by their right names" —is the most suitable Government to an infant country. Stipulate only, that it should be openly and avowedly so. We believe that such plenary authority in a Governor, would prove much less oppressive than the cloaked, though equally certain absolutism by which the colony is now controlled. Power, by becoming unlimited in theory, would be much diminished in practice; for with complete power, complete responsibility must necessarily be coupled. All then would be done fairly and above board ; while the stalking horse, scape-goat, and cat's-paw system which is now worked so efficaciously, would be at once put an end to. And few will deny, that our present Governor is not the man to run unnecessary risks, where the whole blame, in case of failure, must necessarily rest upon his own shoulders.