The Akaroa Mail. TUESDAY, AUGUST 30.

Akaroa Mail and Banks Peninsula Advertiser, Volume VI, Issue 535, 30 August 1881, Page 2

The Akaroa Mail. TUESDAY, AUGUST 30.

Tiib " stone-wnllin s " tactics of a handSal of members of the House of Representatives in connection with tV Repro mentation Bill aro to our mind discreditable, in the highest degree, and ought to iu'ing upon their authors perpetual ■anisliment from public life. Happily •'ich conduct is so rare that it is quite ■ ..-ssible that many of our readers have

no very clear idea of what tho process is. They probably imagine that when the broad principle of a measure has been affirmed more than once by large majorities—after every possible objection thereto has been urged and over again by every member opposed to it— after it has been fought through Committee clause by clause—that there remains nothing to be done but to pass the Bill and allow it to become law. And if its opponents had any sense of the fitness of things—if they understood ■what was Jjmeant by Parliamentary government—such would be the inevitable course of events. But, unhappily, it is not always the case that a minority is willing to accept a reasonable view of things, ami, having fought out the battle to the extreme end, to acquiesce in the inevitable, throwing the responsibility of any after consequences on the shoulders of those who have outvoted them Having exhausted every form of discussion, having delayed the progress of the measure so far as to ensure its every detail bring scrutinised and debated from every possible standpoint, there yet remains them another weapon, if they have the physical endurance and moral hardihood to make use of it, and this lies concealed in the " Forms cf the House." True, these forms must be twisted far away from their original intention—true, the weapon is one ot a mere brute force—true, men making use of it persistently for the purpose of coercing a majority which they cannot otherwise affect must be lost to any sense of shame or decency—still, the weapon exists, and a handful of members opposed to the political extinction with which themselves or their districts are threatened by the Representation Bill have drawn it from its concealment, and are now engaged in threatening their opponents with it after the example, to quote a contemporary, "of the highwayman who enforces with his pistol compliance with his unjust demands."

The mode of procedure; is " as easy as lying." For instance, on Friday, when the Representation Bill would have come on for discussion, Mr Speight rose and moved " that this House do now adjourn." Now it must be obvious that any deliberative assembly has the power to adjourn its proceedings at any tirre. Ifc follows, therefore, that any member can make such a motion at any period ot a sitting. And as there is , no limit to the length of speeches, he can speak in support of the motion as long as he thinks fit. Further, he can introduce into his speech matter on any subject in the heavens above or the earth beneath, provided according to Mr Speaker, he does not " anticipate the discussion of any Bill or motion on the Order Paper." That is, so long as he keeps his real subject out of sight, he has a choice of all others. Technically the motion for adjournment is before the House to the exclusion of all other business, and each member can unburden his soul to his heart's content on the matter. Say the disaffected minority numbers only half-a-dozen, and that the majority are wise enough to remember that silence is golden, still if each of the six speak *br only two hours' that is sufficient to keep the ball rolling for twelve hours • if a division is then taken, and the majority decline to be coerced, the jjfactious f ew having arranged to take turn? of rest and talk, can commence the same tiling over again, and so on ad infinitum.

Now it is obvious that Representative government would become an impossibility if such practices were to become general, If good sense and reasonableness appear by their actions to be unknown qualities to certain honorable gentlemen, it is clear that some other means of restraining them must be found. This straining the forms of the House is veritably playing with edge tools. If an unscrupulous minority show that these forms enable t'aem to block all business and allow nothing to be done save on condition of the majority resigning its functions to them, so much the worse for the forms. They cannot surely be lunatic enough to imagine that the. House is going to suffer itself to bo bound hand and foot in shackles of its own manufacture,. These forms were framed to secure the utmost latitude for free discussion. It was pre sunied that they would be made use of by men of sense and men of honor, not played with by unscrupulous bandits, seeking by their means to extort unjust concessions f. om the foars or weaknesses of their opponents. We would be the last to advocate any measures ■which would restrict perfect freedom of discussion, but it is evident thru the power of absolutely oUtnu'ting public business, which it has ben shown certain members are sufficiently unscrupulous to use,

uiu&t be stamped out like the atnall-pox. Other assemblies, from the House of Commons downward, have found it necessary to do so. To the credit of our Legislature be it said that it is one of the last that has been driven to adopt measures dealing with such obstruction. The necessity has, however, now clearly arisen, and before these lines are in print, the House of Representatives will probably have Premier's motion to adopt the standing orders recently framed by the British House of Commons for the purpose of meeting cases similar to the one which has now arisen. little fear that any arbitrary use will bejnado of the powers thereby vested inHhe Speaker or Chairman of committees, but if such should bo the case, Che blame a will the factious few, who, not contenf'with the utmost liberty of debate, sought. to change that ful l>.liberty into the wildest and most absurd licence.