A.—7.

or human happiness is laying a terrible burden upon this and upon succeeding generations which cannot be contemplated without grief and consternation. All of us are agreed that we must lose no opportunity of trying to remove those fears and anxieties that are at the root of the mischief. We are indeed happy that amongst ourselves no such fears exist. War between any of us is unthinkable, and if we had to consider only the countries of the British Commonwealth there would be no need of armaments for any of us; but, gentlemen, in the present condition of the world to undertake a unilateral disarmament would be to invite disaster, and in their determination to bring their defensive forces to a state of efficiency in which they can maintain their security and fulfil their international obligations, His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom have good reason to believe that they making a contribution of the most important character to the cause of peace, and, in their turn, we welcome the efforts of other partners in the Empire made with similar objects and we are satisfied that in providing for their own security they are conducing also to the stability of the world because no one doubts the sincerity of any of us when we declare, as we do in the report of our proceedings, that never will our forces be used for aggression or for any purpose which is inconsistent with the Covenant of the League. The revision of the Inter-Imperial Trade Agreements which were concluded at Ottawa has not formed any part of our agenda, because we came to the conclusion that those were matters best discussed by conversations between individual members of the Conference, but we have recognized and do all recognize the important part that may be played in international appeasement by economic adjustments, and that in our united declaration of our desire to co-operate with other nations in examining the obstacles which prevent the freer flow of trade through international channels and in promoting the improvement in the standard of living which might be expected to follow therefrom, we have shown that a selfish and exclusive economic nationalism forms no part of our common creed. Now, in conclusion, gentlemen, may I very warmly thank those who have spoken so kindly about my own part in this Conference, and I should like to say how deeply I have valued the assistance that I have received from every member of the Conference in carrying out my duties as Chairman during the latter part of its proceedings. The courtesy and the consideration which have been shown to myself, and, I may say, by each member of the Conference to every other member, made it not only an honour but a pleasure to preside. I feel sure that the knowledge which we have each gained of one another's personalities, and our attitude towards the great issues which we have discussed, will greatly facilitate our co-operation in the future, and I trust that I am not alone in expressing the hope that no long period will elapse before the next family gathering takes place which brings us together once again. STATEMENT BY THE PRIME MINISTER OF CANADA. The Bight Hon. W. L. Mackenzie King: Prime Minister, the present Imperial Conference is unique in having had as Chairman two Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom. We have had an opportunity of expressing to Lord Baldwin, before he relinquished office, our appreciation of what his labours, through the years, have meant to the several Imperial Conferences over which he presided. That his spirit and outlook have come to be identified with that which underlies the free association of the members of the British Commonwealth is an observation which speaks for itself. I voice, I know, the feelings of the members when I venture to express to you, Mr. Chamberlain, something of the pleasure it has been to us all to have been so closely associated with you in the work of the Conference. I should like particularly to express our very warm appreciation of the perception, understanding, and judgment you have invariably disclosed in conducting its proceedings. The Imperial Conference of 1937 will always have its association with the historic event which immediately preceded it. Their Majesties' Coronation vividly portrayed a vast Commonwealth, composed of autonomous nations, full-statured and free, united by many ties of sentiment and understanding, and by a common allegiance to the Crown. _ It has, as well, deepened our convictions in the soundness of our parliamentary institutions and in the unifying power of freedom. The unity, of which the Crown is the symbol, and the assurance, has been reflected. in the oneness of outlook and in the community of spirit which have pervaded this Conference. Our deliberations have emphasized once more the effectiveness of reason and co-operation as an alternative to force in the conduct of international relations. They have demonstrated anew how peoples, pursuing common ideals, but preserving the full measure of their independence, can find means of working together for the common good. The task of an Imperial Conference has been well defined as that of considering whether the several Governments represented, while preserving their individual rights of decision and action, can co-ordinate their various policies in such a way as to assist one another, and help forward the cause of peace. Its function is not to formulate or declare policy. The value of this, as of other Imperial Conferences, lies mainly in the free exchange of information and opinion; in furnishing the representatives of the several Governments with more adequate knowledge of the problems, the difficulties, the aspirations, the attitudes

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