THE EASTERN QUESTION.

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume XII, Issue 111, 12 May 1877, Page 4

THE EASTERN QUESTION.

Referring: to the recent debate on this subject in the British Parliament, the correspondent of the Australasian in his Suez mail letter says:—

The matin interest of the evening Attached hbwever, : to the 'speech of the Marquis of Salisbury. " The policy of the Government,' 1 he said, '.'had bean simply to try by aU peaceable means to induce Turkey to open her eyes to the danger which she might incur. The fear of a> breach with Ruaaia waa the motive force of the conference. To myself, certainly, it appears that one of the causes which led the Turks to this unfortunate resolution, waa the belief which was co sedulously fostered, I know not by whom, but by irresponsible 1 advisers, that the power of Russia was brobeD, that the armies of Russia were suffering from disease, that the mobilisation had failed, and that consequently the fear of war was idle. They counted upon every possible contingency. Their traditional policy had been to maintain themselves by dividing the Powers, and they imagined that the Powers would still be divided, ami that a general European war would save them. Still it was right to say that -there ivas no difference in the language of the plenipotentiaries on the question of coercion. "In this strange discussion," said the Marquis, resuming his old political weapons, " the parly of Government and Opposition are entirely chauged. The Government has been all candour; their candour can be weighed in ounces. (Laughter.) We have- absolutely poured the record of our thoughts and proceedings on the table of the House, but for the life of us we cannot yet get from the Opposition, which usually is frank, because it is free from responsibility, any statement of their opinions' or their desires. (Loud cheers.) All through the autumn they have been longing for the meeting of Parliament, and urging that we should summon Parliament before tha close of the usual recess. The one thing necessary for their happiness was that Parliament should meet in order that: they might challenge the proceedings of an inhuman and detestable Government, and bring ihem into accordance with the feelings of the people. (Laughter.) Now Parliament has met, and butter will not melt in their mouths. (Renewed laughter.) We can't induce them by any request, however humble and modestly worded^ to place on the journals, id the form of a distinct opinion, the grounds on which they censure our policy, and the reason why they pursued us with every kiad of .vituperation during three long months— (cheers)— and now the noble duke pursues the eam9 policy. Our fault is that we did not adopt a policy of coercion. We say ' What is coercion? The noble Duke is not going to be so indiscreet as to tell us that. He will blame us for not giving ourselves up to his word coercion, but no force, not even wild horses, shall draw from him what the meaning of coercion is. (tfenewed laughter.) Of course there would be no difficulty in sending a fleet to the Bosporus, and burning down Stamboal. But if we did that we should have destroyed the ooly Govemmeut that kept some thirty millions of people in some kind of order." Touching the great question of the hour, in the roost forcible words yet used by any member of the Government, the Marquis of Salisbury concluded as follows: ~"We do not yet despair. There can be no question — I do not say it to dishonor him for I do not doubt he was inspired by the mo 3(; patriotic motives ---the main adversary of the late conierence is tba man who has recently lalieu from power. It is lair thai we should assume, until we kuow the contrar>, that tue buliun in making "this cti&uge had been actuated by a desire to draw nearer to the wishes of the European Powers. At all events it ia optu to us to cherish that hope. We feet that the destinies of 'iurkey are now in the bands 01 men who are not piaj-jed as a matter of conscience and Lonor to any opposition to at leust the Hubstucce of the retorma which we lib ve. tried to induce them to adopt. Wo hope tn'at if the substance of these rfcionna is adopted there is uo power in Europe which will thiuk itself either bound, or justified in trying to cut thia kaouy qucatiou by the sword. (Cheers.) Oui tffjits have not been wanting, and are i.ot wanting, to avvuken (ha Turks to the dauj-er to which they were so blind, because if this question once tuord comes into a military phase— if

once the powers of Europe are assured i that there ia no hope of preventing a ! war ia south-eastern Europe, and if' once they have to decide upon the ; state of things that shall be produced— j there is every reason to fear that the • very energy of the considerations j which had induced them now to strain j every effdrt tb'av&rt a war will raihet ! lead them in the future to say, * This question must be settled once for all, so i that no future war will occur." That is the danger — the tremendous danger — which threatens the Turkish empire. It is sttllour hope that within a brief time, it may be, of respite, the Porte may be guided by wiser councils, and in giving the bare3t rights to those who have suffered so long under its dominion it will open an era of fairer hopes and nobler prosperity to one of the most ancient empires of the world. (Cheers.)"