LOCAL SELFGOVERNMENT.

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume III, Issue 226, 23 September 1868, Page 2

LOCAL SELFGOVERNMENT.

(Communicated.) Never having voted, and in many cases having opposed, Mr Stafford for the last ten or dozen years, we certainly were surprised at the manner in which that gentleman was spoken of at the late public meeting. Indeed had not the character of a very industrious and capable public servant been so implicated, the meeting would have afforded more merriment than otherwise. Let those who have been the thick-and-thin supporters of the honorable gentleman throughout his political career determine upon what grounds they now base their coarse opposition to himj we confess we caunofc. Had similar action been taken on the New Provinces Act, the public, with reason, might have gone with them. But public opinion is changeable, and not subject to the usual process of reasoning. One thing must be admitted : a member who has represented a constituency for so many years deserves to be treated as a gentleman. The point at issue between the Government and the Opposition, as we understand it, is the perpetuation and extension of local self-government. The Ministry declare that they are desirous to extend the boon ; the Opposition denounce them as desirous of destroying it by altering and simplifying Provincial government. We think that the tendency to extravagance of the Provincial Governments, unfortunately supported by the Council, has made some alteration necessary; whether the Government scheme be the best adapted to that purpose has to be proved* Perhaps abetter explanation of the views of Ministers cannot be given than in the words of Mr Hall, Postmaster-General:—-'The aim of the Government is to develope to the utmost the spirit of local self-government in New Zealand, a spirit which we believe has left provincial institutions, and is wandering about the country looking for a better and more permanent resting place. . We wish to encourage

a*<-** iMi »"" Mi^ iM ' M * iM "^* , '" i '^ i ** M *** i " MM ' , » M, *' <a ithat spirit without which no good government can exist in New Zealand, and the practice of which trained our forefathers to the wise and patriotic use of those larger institutions of government which secured to them iu so eminent a degree the blessings of freedom aud goou government. Along with and upon thoss local institutions we wish to build, on the broad and solid foundation of a united colony which shall attract to its service the intelligence, the education, and the work of the country, which shall take a high and comprehensive view of its duties and responsibilities, and be strong enough to give effect to that view, aud uninfluenced by fleeting local clumour, or by petty, local, selfish consideration, to provide for the protection of all interests and all claims ; to put an end to these miserable provincial struggles by which this house and country have been so long torn, to conduct this colony to a destiny worths' of its great resources and of the energies of the people by whom it is occupied, and make it the happy home of thousands of the Anglo-Saxon race.' We give some extracts from one of the eminent writers on political economy on this subject which will be continued in future issues of this journal. Professor Newman in his Lectures on Political Economy thus speaks of Local Patriotism : — -* In politics tbe difficulty often is not to find the true remedy, but to induce the patient to swallow it. Here it seems clear enough what is the primary cause of the nation becoming as a heap of sand, namely, the loss of local patriotism, which has followed od the decay of local liberties by the development of centralisation. Every town in England and every country ought to have the feelings of a little state ; as in fact it ouce had. Our own history for many centuries shows that this is quite consistent with the existence of a central power — a crown and parliament — for all purposes truly national ; and if the action of the central power were strictly limited to such things, the provinces would, now more than ever, have abundant room for high ambition. ' Our disease rises out of the fact that Parliament, instead of being "supported and aided by the provincial legislatures has practically swallowed them up — has so drained tbeir powers, that the wealthy, cultivated and ambitious disdain a spat in them, and the town people despise the provincial franchise. The introducing of private bill"' iu Parliament is an invasion which has destroyed tbe dignity and independence of all the provinces. *To illustrate this, consider what would be the process of a bill for making a railroad, if the provinces had their due powers. A short petition might first be laid before the Lords or Commons pro forma, asking leave to make a railroad from London to , Birmingham. If no objections were urged to the principle the proposal would be laid before every country and town legislation concerned in the rail, with this preliminary proposal to back it; and the details of the road would be settled by the separate legislations. After all was completed by them the entire scheme would be laid before Parliament, and receive the final •confirmation. Thus the function of Parliament in the matter Would be one of broad and grand supervision, of a truly imperial kind ; and its acts might be short and clear. The time of the supreme legislation would not be frittered away in details, but would be devoted to great principles and to receiving appeals, or to a mature consideration of foreign affairs. On the other hand the power of the local, legislations would be so large as to fill the ambition of able and accomplished tnen.'